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Tuesday, September 2, 2014

Perjalanan yang belum selesai (32)

Habibie dan prototipe rancangannya
Perjalanan yang belum selesai (32)

(Bagian ketigapuluhdua, Depok, Jawa Barat, Indonesia, 3 September 2014, 12.59 WIB)

Sekitar tahun 1987, ketika masih menjadi reporter Lembaga Kantor Berita Antara (LKBN Antara) saya ditugaskan chief reporter Parni Hadi untuk mewawancarai Menteri Riset dan Teknologi (Menristek) B.J.Habibie di gedung Badan Pengkajian  dan Penerapan Teknologi (BPPT) di Jalan Thamrin Jakarta Pusat.

Setelah bersalaman, kami masuk ruang kerja Bapak Habibie, dalam wawancara yang berlangsung santai itu ternyata tidak terasa menghabiskan waktu empat jam, karena BJ Habibie banyak bercerita soal Industri Pesawat Terbang (PT IPTN) dan masa depan industry pesawat terbang di Indonesia.
Kini terbukti semakin banyak Indonesia yang bepergian menggunakan pesawat terbang, selain banyak penerbangan di Indonesia menjual tiket dengan murah, namun sayang Pesawat yang digunakan industry pesawat terbang di Indonesia adalah kalu tidak buatan Amerika Serkat (Boeing) juga buatan Eropa Airbus. Masih sedikit buatan IPTN.

Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie
Dari Wikipedia bahasa Indonesia, ensiklopedia bebas
Prof. Dr. -Ing. H.
Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie

Presiden Indonesia ke-3
Masa jabatan
21 Mei 1998 – 20 Oktober 1999
Wakil Presiden   Tidak ada
Didahului oleh    Soeharto
Digantikan oleh  Abdurrahman Wahid
Wakil Presiden Indonesia ke-7
Masa jabatan
11 Maret 1998 – 21 Mei 1998
Presiden    Soeharto
Didahului oleh    Try Sutrisno
Digantikan oleh  Megawati Sukarnoputri
Menteri Negara Riset dan Teknologi Republik Indonesia ke-1
Masa jabatan
29 Maret 1978 – 16 Maret 1998
Presiden    Soeharto
Didahului oleh    Tidak ada
Digantikan oleh  Rahardi Ramelan
Informasi pribadi
Lahir 25 Juni 1936 (umur 78)
Flag of the Netherlands.svg Parepare, Sulawesi Selatan, Hindia Belanda
Kebangsaan       Bendera Indonesia Indonesia
Bendera Jerman Jerman (Kehormatan)
Partai politik        Golkar
Suami/istri Hasri Ainun Habibie
Anak Ilham Akbar
Thareq Kemal
Alma mater         Institut Teknologi Bandung
Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen
Profesi       Insinyur
Agama       Islam
Prof. DR. Ing. H. Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie (lahir di Parepare, Sulawesi Selatan, 25 Juni 1936; umur 78 tahun) adalah Presiden Republik Indonesia yang ketiga. Ia menggantikan Soeharto yang mengundurkan diri dari jabatan presiden pada tanggal 21 Mei 1998. Jabatannya digantikan oleh Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) yang terpilih sebagai presiden pada 20 Oktober 1999 oleh MPR hasil Pemilu 1999. Dengan menjabat selama 2 bulan dan 7 hari sebagai wakil presiden, dan 1 tahun dan 5 bulan sebagai presiden, Habibie merupakan Wakil Presiden dan juga Presiden Indonesia dengan masa jabatan terpendek.

Keluarga dan pendidikan









Habibie dan Keluarga

Habibie merupakan anak keempat dari delapan bersaudara, pasangan Alwi Abdul Jalil Habibie dan R.A. Tuti Marini Puspowardojo. Alwi Abdul Jalil Habibie adalah keturunan bugis (sulawesi selatan) yang lahir pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1908 di Gorontalo dan R.A. Tuti Marini Puspowardojo lahir di Yogyakarta 10 November 1911. Ibunda R.A. Tuti Marini Puspowardojo adalah anak seorang spesialis mata di Yogya, dan ayahnya yang bernama Puspowardjojo bertugas sebagai pemilik sekolah. B.J. Habibie adalah salah satu anak dari tujuh orang bersaudara.[1]
B.J. Habibie menikah dengan Hasri Ainun Besari pada tanggal 12 Mei 1962, dan dikaruniai dua orang putra, yaitu Ilham Akbar Habibie dan Thareq Kemal Habibie.[2]
Sebelumnya ia pernah berilmu di SMAK Dago.[3] Ia belajar teknik mesin di Institut Teknologi Bandung tahun 1954. Pada 1955-1965 ia melanjutkan studi teknik penerbangan, spesialisasi konstruksi pesawat terbang, di RWTH Aachen, Jerman Barat, menerima gelar diplom ingenieur pada 1960 dan gelar doktor ingenieur pada 1965 dengan predikat summa cum laude.
Pekerjaan dan karier[sunting | sunting sumber]
Habibie pernah bekerja di Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm, sebuah perusahaan penerbangan yang berpusat di Hamburg, Jerman, sehingga mencapai puncak karier sebagai seorang wakil presiden bidang teknologi. Pada tahun 1973, ia kembali ke Indonesia atas permintaan mantan presiden Suharto.
Ia kemudian menjabat sebagai Menteri Negara Riset dan Teknologi sejak tahun 1978 sampai Maret 1998. Sebelum menjabat sebagai Presiden (21 Mei 1998 - 20 Oktober 1999), B.J. Habibie adalah Wakil Presiden (14 Maret 1998 - 21 Mei 1998) dalam Kabinet Pembangunan VII di bawah Presiden Soeharto.
Ia diangkat menjadi ketua umum ICMI (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia), pada masa jabatannya sebagai menteri.
Masa Kepresidenan[sunting | sunting sumber]
Habibie mewarisi kondisi keadaan negara kacau balau pasca pengunduran diri Soeharto pada masa orde baru, sehingga menimbulkan maraknya kerusuhan dan disintegerasi hampir seluruh wilayah Indonesia. Segera setelah memperoleh kekuasaan Presiden Habibie segera membentuk sebuah kabinet. Salah satu tugas pentingnya adalah kembali mendapatkan dukungan dari Dana Moneter Internasional dan komunitas negara-negara donor untuk program pemulihan ekonomi. Dia juga membebaskan para tahanan politik dan mengurangi kontrol pada kebebasan berpendapat dan kegiatan organisasi.
Pada era pemerintahannya yang singkat ia berhasil memberikan landasan kokoh bagi Indonesia, pada eranya dilahirkan UU Anti Monopoli atau UU Persaingan Sehat, perubahan UU Partai Politik dan yang paling penting adalah UU otonomi daerah. Melalui penerapan UU otonomi daerah inilah gejolak disintergrasi yang diwarisi sejak era Orde Baru berhasil diredam dan akhirnya dituntaskan di era presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, tanpa adanya UU otonomi daerah bisa dipastikan Indonesia akan mengalami nasib sama seperti Uni Soviet dan Yugoslavia.
Pengangkatan B.J. Habibie sebagai Presiden menimbulkan berbagai macam kontroversi bagi masyarakat Indonesia. Pihak yang pro menganggap pengangkatan Habibie sudah konstitusional. Hal itu sesuai dengan ketentuan pasal 8 UUD 1945 yang menyebutkan bahwa "bila Presiden mangkat, berhenti, atau tidak dapat melakukan kewajibannya dalam masa jabatannya, ia diganti oleh Wakil Presiden sampai habis waktunya". Sedangkan pihak yang kontra menganggap bahwa pengangkatan B.J. Habibie dianggap tidak konstitusional. Hal ini bertentangan dengan ketentuan pasal 9 UUD 1945 yang menyebutkan bahwa "sebelum presiden memangku jabatan maka presiden harus mengucapkan sumpah atau janji di depan MPR atau DPR".
Langkah-langkah yang dilakukan BJ Habibie di bidang politik adalah:
Memberi kebebasan pada rakyat untuk menyalurkan aspirasinya sehingga banyak bermunculan partai-partai politik baru yakni sebanyak 48 partai politik
Membebaskan narapidana politik (napol) seperti Sri Bintang Pamungkas (mantan anggota DPR yang masuk penjara karena mengkritik Presiden Soeharto) dan Muchtar Pakpahan (pemimpin buruh yang dijatuhi hukuman karena dituduh memicu kerusuhan di Medan tahun 1994)
Mencabut larangan berdirinya serikat-serikat buruh independen
Membentuk tiga undang-undang yang demokratis yaitu :
UU No. 2 tahun 1999 tentang Partai Politik
UU No. 3 tahun 1999 tentang Pemilu
UU No. 4 tahun 1999 tentang Susunan Kedudukan DPR/MPR
Menetapkan 12 Ketetapan MPR dan ada 4 ketetapan yang mencerminkan jawaban dari tuntutan reformasi yaitu :
Tap MPR No. VIII/MPR/1998, tentang pencabutan Tap No. IV/MPR/1983 tentangReferendum
Tap MPR No. XVIII/MPR/1998, tentang pencabutan Tap MPR No. II/MPR/1978 tentang Pancasila sebagai azas tunggal
Tap MPR No. XII/MPR/1998, tentang pencabutan Tap MPR No. V/MPR/1978 tentang Presiden mendapat mandat dari MPR untuk memiliki hak-hak dan Kebijakan di luar batas perundang-undangan
Tap MPR No. XIII/MPR/1998, tentang Pembatasan masa jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden maksimal hanya dua kali periode.
12 Ketetapan MPR antara lain :
Tap MPR No. X/MPR/1998, tentang pokok-pokok reformasi pembangunan dalam rangka penyelematan dan normalisasi kehidupan nasional sebagai haluan negara
Tap MPR No. XI/MPR/1998, tentang penyelenggaraan negara yang bersih dan bebas korupsi, kolusi, dan nepotisme
Tap MPR No. XIII/MPR/1998, tentang pembatasan masa jabatan presiden dan wakil presiden Republik Indonesia
Tap MPR No. XV/MPR/1998, tentang penyelenggaraan Otonomi daerah
Tap MPR No. XVI/MPR/1998, tentang politik ekonomi dalam rangka demokrasi ekonomi
Tap MPR No. XVII/MPR/1998, tentang Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM)
Tap MPR No. VII/MPR/1998, tentang perubahan dan tambahan atas Tap MPR No. I/MPR/1998 tentang peraturan tata tertib MPR
Tap MPR No. XIV/MPR/1998, tentang Pemilihan Umum
Tap MPR No. III/V/MPR/1998, tentang referendum
Tap MPR No. IX/MPR/1998, tentang GBHN
Tap MPR No. XII/MPR/1998, tentang pemberian tugas dan wewenang khusus kepada Presiden/mandataris MPR dalam rangka menyukseskan dan pengamanan pembangunan nasional sebagai pengamalan Pancasila
Tap MPR No. XVIII/MPR/1998, tentang pencabutan Pedoman Penghayatan dan Pengamalan Pancasila (P4)
Di bidang ekonomi, ia berhasil memotong nilai tukar rupiah terhadap dollar masih berkisar antara Rp 10.000 – Rp 15.000. Namun pada akhir pemerintahannya, terutama setelah pertanggungjawabannya ditolak MPR, nilai tukar rupiah meroket naik pada level Rp 6500 per dolar AS nilai yang tidak akan pernah dicapai lagi di era pemerintahan selanjutnya. Selain itu, ia juga memulai menerapkan independensi Bank Indonesia agar lebih fokus mengurusi perekonomian. Untuk menyelesaikan krisis moneter dan perbaikan ekonomi Indonesia, BJ Habibie melakukan langkah-langkah sebagai berikut :
Melakukan restrukturisasi dan rekapitulasi perbankan melalui pembentukan BPPN dan unit Pengelola Aset Negara
Melikuidasi beberapa bank yang bermasalah
Menaikkan nilai tukar rupiah terhadap dolar hingga di bawah Rp. 10.000,00
Membentuk lembaga pemantau dan penyelesaian masalah utang luar negeri
Mengimplementasikan reformasi ekonomi yang disyaratkan IMF
Mengesahkan UU No. 5 tahun 1999 tentang Larangan Praktik Monopoli dan Persaingan yang Tidak Sehat
Mengesahkan UU No. 8 tahun 1999 tentang Perlindungan Konsumen
Salah satu kesalahan yang dinilai pihak oposisi terbesar adalah setelah menjabat sebagai Presiden, B.J. Habibie memperbolehkan diadakannya referendum provinsi Timor Timur (sekarang Timor Leste), ia mengajukan hal yang cukup menggemparkan publik saat itu, yaitu mengadakan jajak pendapat bagi warga Timor Timur untuk memilih merdeka atau masih tetap menjadi bagian dari Indonesia. Pada masa kepresidenannya, Timor Timur lepas dari Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia dan menjadi negara terpisah yang berdaulat pada tanggal 30 Agustus 1999. Lepasnya Timor Timur di satu sisi memang disesali oleh sebagian warga negara Indonesia, tapi disisi lain membersihkan nama Indonesia yang sering tercemar oleh tuduhan pelanggaran HAM di Timor Timur.
Kasus inilah yang mendorong pihak oposisi yang tidak puas dengan latar belakang Habibie semakin giat menjatuhkan Habibie. Upaya ini akhirnya berhasil dilakukan pada Sidang Umum 1999, ia memutuskan tidak mencalonkan diri lagi setelah laporan pertanggungjawabannya ditolak oleh MPR.
Pandangan terhadap pemerintahan Habibie pada era awal reformasi cenderung bersifat negatif, tapi sejalan dengan perkembangan waktu banyak yang menilai positif pemerintahan Habibie. Salah pandangan positif itu dikemukan oleh L. Misbah Hidayat Dalam bukunya Reformasi Administrasi: Kajian Komparatif Pemerintahan Tiga Presiden.[4]
“        Visi, misi dan kepemimpinan presiden Habibie dalam menjalankan agenda reformasi memang tidak bisa dilepaskan dari pengalaman hidupnya. Setiap keputusan yang diambil didasarkan pada faktor-faktor yang bisa diukur. Maka tidak heran tiap kebijakan yang diambil kadangkala membuat orang terkaget-kaget dan tidak mengerti. Bahkan sebagian kalangan menganggap Habibie apolitis dan tidak berperasaan. Pola kepemimpinan Habibie seperti itu dapat dimaklumi mengingat latar belakang pendidikannya sebagai doktor di bidang konstruksi pesawat terbang. Berkaitan dengan semangat demokratisasi, Habibie telah melakukan perubahan dengan membangun pemerintahan yang transparan dan dialogis. Prinsip demokrasi juga diterapkan dalam kebijakan ekonomi yang disertai penegakan hukum dan ditujukan untuk kesejahteraan rakyat. Dalam mengelola kegiatan kabinet sehari-haripun, Habibie melakukan perubahan besar. Ia meningkatkan koordinasi dan menghapus egosentisme sekotral antarmenteri. Selain itu sejumlah kreativitas mewarnai gaya kepemimpinan Habibie dalam menangani masalah bangsa.[5] Untuk mengatasi persoalan ekonomi, misalnya, ia mengangkat pengusaha menjadi utusan khusus. Dan pengusaha itu sendiri yang menanggung biayanya. Tugas tersebut sangat penting, karena salah satu kelemahan pemerintah adalah kurang menjelaskan keadaan Indonesia yang sesungguhnya pada masyarakat internasional. Sementara itu pers, khususnya pers asing, terkesan hanya mengekspos berita-berita negatif tentang Indonesia sehingga tidak seimbang dalam pemberitaan.      ”
Masa Pascakepresidenan[sunting | sunting sumber]
Setelah ia turun dari jabatannya sebagai presiden, ia lebih banyak tinggal di Jerman daripada di Indonesia. Tetapi ketika era kepresidenan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, ia kembali aktif sebagai penasehat presiden untuk mengawal proses demokratisasi di Indonesia lewat organisasi yang didirikannya Habibie Center.
Publikasi









Pesawat buatan IPTN


Habibie ketika disumpah menjadi presiden pada tanggal 21 Mei 1998.
Karya Habibie[sunting | sunting sumber]
Proceedings of the International Symposium on Aeronautical Science and Technology of Indonesia / B. J. Habibie; B. Laschka [Editors]. Indonesian Aeronautical and Astronautical Institute; Deutsche Gesellschaft für Luft- und Raumfahrt 1986
Eine Berechnungsmethode zum Voraussagen des Fortschritts von Rissen unter beliebigen Belastungen und Vergleiche mit entsprechenden Versuchsergebnissen, Presentasi pada Simposium DGLR di Baden-Baden,11-13 Oktober 1971
Beitrag zur Temperaturbeanspruchung der orthotropen Kragscheibe, Disertasi di RWTH Aachen, 1965
Sophisticated technologies : taking root in developing countries, International journal of technology management : IJTM. - Geneva-Aeroport : Inderscience Enterprises Ltd, 1990
Einführung in die finite Elementen Methode,Teil 1, Hamburger Flugzeugbau GmbH, 1968
Entwicklung eines Verfahrens zur Bestimmung des Rißfortschritts in Schalenstrukturen, Hamburger Flugzeugbau GmbH, Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm GmbH, 1970
Entwicklung eines Berechnungsverfahrens zur Bestimmung der Rißfortschrittsgeschwindigkeit an Schalenstrukturen aus A1-Legierungen und Titanium, Hamburger Flugzeugbau GmbH, Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm GmbH, 1969
Detik-detik Yang Menentukan - Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi, 2006 (memoir mengenai peristiwa tahun 1998)
Habibie dan Ainun, The Habibie Center Mandiri, 2009 (memori tentang Ainun Habibie)
Mengenai Habibie










Helikopter buatab IPTN

Hosen, Nadirsyah, Indonesian political laws in Habibie Era : Between political struggle and law reform, ,Nordic journal of international law, ISSN 0029-151X, Bd. 72 (2003), 4, hal. 483-518
Rice, Robert Charles, Indonesian approaches to technology policy during the Soeharto era : Habibie, Sumitro and others, Indonesian economic development (1990), hal. 53-66
Makka, Makmur.A, The True Life of HABIBIE Cerita di Balik Kesuksesan, PUSTAKA IMAN, ISBN 978-979-3371-83-2, 2008

Biografi (Lengkap) BJ Habibie : Bapak Teknologi dan Demokrasi Indonesia
APRIL 2, 2009
tags: bapak teknologi indonesia, biografi habibie, Biografi Tokoh, bj habibie
Masa Muda

Prof. DR (HC). Ing. Dr. Sc. Mult. Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie atau dikenal sebagai BJ Habibie (73 tahun) merupakan pria Pare-Pare (Sulawesi Selatan) kelahiran 25 Juni 1936. Habibie menjadi Presiden ke-3 Indonesia selama 1.4 tahun dan 2 bulan menjadi Wakil Presiden RI ke-7. Habibie merupakan “blaster” antara orang Jawa [ibunya] dengan orang Makasar/Pare-Pare [ayahnya].

Dimasa kecil, Habibie telah menunjukkan kecerdasan dan semangat tinggi pada ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi khususnya Fisika. Selama enam bulan, ia kuliah di Teknik Mesin Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB), dan dilanjutkan ke Rhenisch Wesfalische Tehnische Hochscule – Jerman pada 1955. Dengan dibiayai oleh ibunya,  R.A. Tuti Marini Puspowardoyo, Habibie muda menghabiskan 10 tahun untuk menyelesaikan studi S-1 hingga S-3 di Aachen-Jerman.

Berbeda dengan rata-rata mahasiswa Indonesia yang mendapat beasiswa di luar negeri, kuliah Habibie (terutama S-1 dan S-2) dibiayai langsung oleh Ibunya yang melakukan usaha catering dan indekost di Bandung setelah ditinggal pergi suaminya (ayah Habibie). Habibie mengeluti bidang Desain dan Konstruksi Pesawat di Fakultas Teknik Mesin. Selama lima tahun studi di Jerman akhirnya Habibie memperoleh gelar Dilpom-Ingenenieur atau diploma teknik (catatan : diploma teknik di Jerman umumnya disetarakan dengan gelar Master/S2 di negara lain) dengan predikat summa cum laude.

Pak Habibie melanjutkan program doktoral setelah menikahi teman SMA-nya, Ibu Hasri Ainun Besari pada tahun 1962. Bersama dengan istrinya tinggal di Jerman, Habibie harus bekerja untuk membiayai biaya kuliah sekaligus biaya rumah tangganya. Habibie mendalami bidang Desain dan Konstruksi Pesawat Terbang. Tahun 1965, Habibie menyelesaikan studi S-3 nya dan mendapat gelar Doktor Ingenieur (Doktor Teknik) dengan  indeks prestasi summa cum laude.

Karir di Industri

Selama menjadi mahasiswa tingkat doktoral, BJ Habibie sudah mulai bekerja untuk menghidupi keluarganya dan biaya studinya. Setelah lulus, BJ Habibie bekerja di Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm  atau MBB Hamburg (1965-1969 sebagai Kepala Penelitian dan Pengembangan pada Analisis Struktrur Pesawat Terbang, dan kemudian menjabat Kepala Divisi Metode dan Teknologi pada industri pesawat terbang komersial dan militer di MBB (1969-1973). Atas kinerja dan kebriliannya, 4 tahun kemudian, ia dipercaya sebagai Vice President sekaligus Direktur Teknologi di MBB periode 1973-1978 serta menjadi Penasihast Senior bidang teknologi untuk Dewan Direktur MBB (1978 ). Dialah menjadi satu-satunya orang Asia yang berhasil menduduki jabatan nomor dua di perusahaan pesawat terbang Jerman ini.

Sebelum memasuki usia 40 tahun, karir Habibie sudah sangat cemerlang, terutama dalam desain dan konstruksi pesawat terbang. Habibie menjadi “permata” di negeri Jerman dan iapun mendapat “kedudukan terhormat”, baik secara materi maupun intelektualitas oleh orang Jerman. Selama bekerja di MBB Jerman, Habibie menyumbang berbagai hasil penelitian dan sejumlah teori untuk ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi dibidang Thermodinamika, Konstruksi dan Aerodinamika. Beberapa rumusan teorinya dikenal dalam dunia pesawat terbang seperti “Habibie Factor“, “Habibie Theorem” dan “Habibie Method“.

Kembali ke Indonesia

Pada tahun 1968, BJ Habibie telah mengundang sejumlah insinyur  untuk bekerja di industri pesawat terbang Jerman. Sekitar 40 insinyur Indonesia akhirnya dapat bekerja di MBB atas rekomendasi Pak Habibie. Hal ini dilakukan untuk mempersiapkan skill dan pengalaman (SDM) insinyur Indonesia untuk suatu saat bisa kembali ke Indonesia dan membuat produk industri dirgantara (dan kemudian maritim dan darat). Dan ketika (Alm) Presiden Soeharto mengirim Ibnu Sutowo ke Jerman untuk menemui seraya membujuk Habibie pulang ke Indonesia, BJ Habibie langsung bersedia dan melepaskan jabatan, posisi dan prestise tinggi di Jerman. Hal ini dilakukan BJ Habibie demi memberi sumbangsih ilmu dan teknologi pada bangsa ini. Pada 1974 di usia 38 tahun, BJ Habibie pulang ke tanah air.  Iapun diangkat menjadi penasihat pemerintah (langsung dibawah Presiden) di bidang teknologi pesawat terbang dan teknologi tinggi hingga tahun 1978. Meskipun demikian dari tahun 1974-1978, Habibie masih sering pulang pergi ke Jerman karena masih menjabat sebagai Vice Presiden dan Direktur Teknologi di MBB.

Habibie mulai benar-benar fokus setelah ia melepaskan jabatan tingginya di Perusahaan Pesawat Jerman MBB pada  1978. Dan sejak itu, dari tahun 1978 hingga 1997, ia diangkat menjadi Menteri Negara Riset dan Teknologi (Menristek) sekaligus merangkap sebagai Ketua Badan Pengkajian dan Penerapan Teknologi (BPPT). Disamping itu Habibie juga diangkat sebagai Ketua Dewan Riset Nasional dan berbagai jabatan lainnya.









Pesawat buatan IPTN


Pesawat CN-235 milik Angkatan Udara Turki
Pesawat CN-235 karya IPTN milik AU Spanyol
Ketika menjadi Menristek, Habibie mengimplementasikan visinya yakni membawa Indonesia menjadi negara industri berteknologi tinggi. Ia mendorong adanya lompatan dalam strategi pembangunan yakni melompat dari agraris langsung menuju negara industri maju. Visinya yang langsung membawa Indonesia menjadi negara Industri mendapat pertentangan dari berbagai pihak, baik dalam maupun luar negeri yang menghendaki pembangunan secara bertahap yang dimulai dari fokus investasi di bidang pertanian. Namun, Habibie memiliki keyakinan kokoh akan visinya, dan ada satu “quote” yang terkenal dari Habibie yakni :

“I have some figures which compare the cost of one kilo of airplane compared to one kilo of rice. One kilo of airplane costs thirty thousand US dollars and one kilo of rice is seven cents. And if you want to pay for your one kilo of high-tech products with a kilo of rice, I don’t think we have enough.” (Sumber : BBC: BJ Habibie Profile -1998.)

Kalimat diatas merupakan senjata Habibie untuk berdebat dengan lawan politiknya. Habibie ingin menjelaskan mengapa industri berteknologi itu sangat penting. Dan ia membandingkan harga produk dari industri high-tech (teknologi tinggi) dengan hasil pertanian. Ia menunjukkan data bahwa harga 1 kg pesawat terbang adalah USD 30.000 dan 1 kg beras adalah 7 sen (USD 0,07). Artinya 1 kg pesawat terbang hampir setara dengan 450 ton beras. Jadi dengan membuat 1 buah pesawat dengan massa 10 ton, maka akan diperoleh beras 4,5 juta ton beras.

Pola pikir Pak Habibie disambut dengan baik oleh Pak Harto.Pres. Soeharto pun bersedia menggangarkan dana ekstra dari APBN untuk pengembangan proyek teknologi Habibie. Dan pada tahun 1989, Suharto memberikan “kekuasan” lebih pada Habibie dengan memberikan kepercayaan Habibie untuk memimpin industri-industri strategis seperti Pindad, PAL, dan PT IPTN.

Habibie menjadi RI-1


Secara materi, Habibie sudah sangat mapan ketika ia bekerja di perusahaan MBB Jerman. Selain mapan, Habibie memiliki jabatan yang sangat strategis yakni Vice President sekaligus Senior Advicer di perusahaan  high-tech Jerman. Sehingga Habibie terjun ke pemerintahan bukan karena mencari uang ataupun kekuasaan semata, tapi lebih pada perasaan “terima kasih” kepada negara dan bangsa Indonesia dan juga kepada kedua orang tuanya. Sikap serupa pun ditunjukkan oleh Kwik Kian Gie, yakni setelah menjadi orang kaya dan makmur dahulu, lalu Kwik pensiun dari bisnisnya dan baru terjun ke dunia politik. Bukan sebaliknya, yang banyak dilakukan oleh para politisi saat ini  yang menjadi politisi demi mencari kekayaan/popularitas sehingga tidak heran praktik korupsi menjamur.

Tiga tahun setelah kepulangan ke Indonesia, Habibie (usia 41 tahun) mendapat gelar Profesor Teknik dari ITB. Selama 20 tahun menjadi Menristek, akhirnya pada tanggal 11 Maret 1998, Habibie terpilih sebagai Wakil Presiden RI ke-7 melalui Sidang Umum MPR. Di masa itulah krisis ekonomi (krismon) melanda kawasan Asia termasuk Indonesia. Nilai tukar rupiah terjun bebas dari Rp 2.000 per dolar AS menjadi Rp 12.000-an per dolar. Utang luar negeri  jatuh tempo sehinga membengkak akibat depresiasi rupiah. Hal ini diperbarah oleh perbankan swasta yang mengalami kesulitan likuiditas. Inflasi meroket diatas 50%, dan pengangguran mulai terjadi dimana-mana.

Pada saat bersamaan, kebencian masyarakat memuncak dengan sistem orde baru yang sarat Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme yang dilakukan oleh kroni-kroni Soeharto (pejabat, politisi, konglomerat). Selain KKN, pemerintahan Soeharto tergolong otoriter, yang  menangkap aktivis dan mahasiswa vokal.

Dipicu penembakan 4 orang mahasiswa (Tragedi Trisakti) pada 12 Mei 1998, meletuslah kemarahan masyarakat terutama kalangan aktivis dan mahasiswa pada pemerintah Orba. Pergerakan mahasiswa, aktivis, dan segenap masyarakat pada 12-14 Mei 1998 menjadi momentum pergantian rezim Orde Baru pimpinan Pak Hato. Dan pada 21 Mei 1998, Presiden Soeharto terpaksa mundur dari jabatan Presiden yang dipegangnya selama lebih kurang 32 tahun. Selama 32 tahun itulah, pemerintahan otoriter dan sarat KKN tumbuh sumbur. Selama 32 tahun itu pula, banyak kebenaran yang dibungkam. Mulai dari pergantian Pemerintah Soekarno (dan pengasingan Pres Soekarno), G30S-PKI, Supersemar, hingga dugaan konspirasi Soeharto dengan pihak Amerika dan sekutunya yang mengeruk sumber kekayaan alam oleh kaum-kaum kapitalis dibawah bendera korpotokrasi (termasuk CIA, Bank Duni, IMF dan konglomerasi).

Soeharto mundur, maka Wakilnya yakni BJ Habibie pun diangkat menjadi Presiden RI ke-3 berdasarkan pasal 8 UUD 1945. Namun, masa jabatannya sebagai presiden hanya bertahan selama 512 hari. Meski sangat singkat, kepemimpinan Presiden Habibie mampu membawa bangsa Indonesia dari jurang kehancuran akibat krisis. Presiden Habibie berhasil memimpin negara keluar dari dalam keadaan ultra-krisis, melaksanankan transisi dari negara otorian menjadi demokrasi. Sukses melaksanakan pemilu 1999 dengan multi parti (48 partai), sukses membawa perubahan signifikn pada stabilitas, demokratisasi dan reformasi di Indonesia.

Habibie merupakan presiden RI pertama yang menerima banyak penghargaan terutama di bidang IPTEK baik dari dalam negeri maupun luar negeri. Jasa-jasanya dalam bidang teknologi pesawat terbang mengantarkan beliau mendapat gelar Doktor Kehormatan (Doctor of Honoris Causa) dari berbagaai Universitas terkemuka dunia, antara lain Cranfield Institute of Technology dan Chungbuk University.

Catatan-Catatan Istimewa BJ Habibie
Habibie Bertemu Soeharto

“Laksanakan saja tugasmu dengan baik, saya doakan agar Habibie selalu dilindungi Allah SWT dalam melaksanakan tugas. Kita nanti bertemu secara bathin saja“, lanjut Pak Harto menolak bertemu dengan Habibie pada pembicaraan via telepon pada 9 Juni 1998.

(Habibie : Detik-Detik yang Menentukan. Halaman 293)

Salah satu pertanyaan umum dan masih banyak orang tidak mengetahui adalah bagaimana Habibie yang tinggal di Pulau Celebes bisa bertemu dan akrab dengan Soeharto yang menghabiskan hampir seluruh hidupnya di Pulau Jawa?

Pertemuan pertama kali Habibie dengan Soeharto terjadi pada tahun 1950 ketika Habibie berumur 14 tahun. Pada saat itu, Soeharto (Letnan Kolonel) datang ke Makasar dalam rangka memerangi pemberontakan/separatis di Indonesia Timur pada masa pemerintah Soekarno. Letkol Soeharto tinggal berseberangan dengan rumah keluarga Alwi Abdul Jalil Habibie. Karena ibunda Habibie merupakan orang Jawa, maka Soeharto pun (orang Jawa) diterima sangat baik oleh keluarga Habibie. Bahkan,  Soeharto turut hadir ketika ayahanda Habibie meninggal. Selain itu, Soeharto pun menjadi “mak comblang” pernikahan adik Habibie dengan anak buah (prajurit) Letkol Soeharto. Kedekatan Soeharto-Habibie terus berlanjut meskipun Soeharto telah kembali ke Pulau Jawa setelah berhasil memberantas pemberontakan di Indonesia Timur.

Setelah Habibie menyelesaikan studi (sekitar 10 tahun) dan bekerja selama hampir selama 9 tahun (total 19 tahun di Jerman), akhirnya Habibie dipanggil pulang ke tanah air oleh Pak Harto.  Meskipun ia tidak mendapat beasiswa studi ke Jerman dari pemerintah, pak Habibie tetap bersedia pulang untuk mengabdi kepada negara, terlebih permintaan tersebut berasal dari Pak Harto yang notabene adalah ‘seorang guru’ bagi Habibie. Habibie pun memutuskan kembali ke Indonesia untuk memberi ilmu kepada rakyat Indonesia, kembali untuk membangun industri teknologi tinggi di nusantara.

Bersama Ibnu Sutowo, Habibie kembali ke Indonesia dan bertemu dengan Presiden Soeharto pada tanggal 28 Januari 1974. Habibie mengusulkan beberapa gagasan pembangunan seperti berikut:

Gagasan pembangunan industri pesawat terbang nusantara sebagai ujung tombak industri strategis
Gagasan pembentukan Pusat Penelitan dan Pengembangan Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Teknologi (Puspitek)
Gagasan mengenai Badan Pengkajian dan Penerapan Ilmu Teknologi (BPPT)
Gagasan-gagasan awal Habibie menjadi masukan bagi Soeharto, dan mulai terwujud ketika Habibie menjabat sebagai Menristek periode 1978-1998.

Namun, dimasa tuanya, hubungan Habibie-Soeharto tampaknya retak. Hal ini dikarenakan berbagai kebijakan Habibie yang disinyalir “mempermalukan” Pak Harto. Pemecatan Letjen (Purn) Prabowo Subianto dari jabatan Kostrad karena  memobilisasi pasukan kostrad menuju Jakarta (Istana dan Kuningan) tanpa koordinasi atasan merupakan salah satu kebijakan yang ‘menyakitkan’ pak Harto. Padahal Prabowo merupakan menantu kesayangan Pak Harto yang telah dididik dan dibina menjadi penerus Soeharto. Pemeriksaan Tommy Soeharto sebagai tersangka korupsi turut membuat Pak Harto ‘gerah’ dengan kebijakan pemerintahan BJ Habibe, terlebih dalam beberapa kali kesempatan di media massa,  BJ Habibie  memberi lampu hijau untuk memeriksa Pak Harto. Padahal Tommy Soeharto merupakan putra “emas’ Pak Harto. Dan sekian banyak kebijakan berlawanan dengan pemerintah Soeharto dibidang pers, politik, hukum hingga pembebasan tanpa syarat tahanan politik Soeharto seperti Sri Bintang Pamungkas dan Mukhtar Pakpahan.

Habibie : Bapak Teknologi Indonesia*

Pemikiran-pemikiran Habibie yang “high-tech” mendapat “hati” pak Harto. Bisa dikatakan bahwa Soeharto mengagumi pemikiran Habibie, sehingga pemikirannya dengan mudah disetujui pak Harto. Pak Harto pun setuju menganggarkan “dana ekstra” untuk mengembangkan ide Habibie. Kemudahan akses serta kedekatan Soeharto-Habibie dianggap oleh berbagai pihak sebagai bentuk kolusi Habibie-Soeharto. Apalagi, beberapa pihak tidak setuju dengan pola pikir Habibie mengingat pemerintah Soeharto mau menghabiskan dana yang besar untuk pengembangan industri-industri teknologi tinggi seperti saran Habibie.

Tanggal 26 April 1976, Habibie mendirikan PT. Industri Pesawat Terbang Nurtanio dan menjadi industri pesawat terbang pertama di Kawasan Asia Tenggara (catatan : Nurtanio meruapakan Bapak Perintis Industri Pesawat Indonesia). Industri Pesawat Terbang Nurtanio kemudian berganti nama menjadi Industri Pesawat Terbang Nusantara (IPTN) pada 11 Oktober 1985, kemudian direkstrurisasi, menjadi Dirgantara Indonesia (PT DI) pada Agustuts 2000. Perlakuan istimewapun dialami oleh industri strategis lainnya seperti PT PAL dan PT PINDAD.

Sejak pendirian industri-industri statregis negara, tiap tahun pemerintah Soeharto menganggarkan dana APBN yang relatif besar untuk mengembangkan industri teknologi tinggi.  Dan anggaran dengan angka yang sangat besar dikeluarkan sejak 1989 dimana Habibie memimpin industri-industri strategis. Namun, Habibie memiliki alasan logis yakni untuk memulai industri berteknologi tinggi, tentu membutuhkan investasi yang besar dengan jangka waktu yang lama. Hasilnya tidak mungkin dirasakan langsung. Tanam pohon durian saja butuh 10 tahun untuk memanen, apalagi industri teknologi tinggi. Oleh karena itu, selama bertahun-tahun industri strategis ala Habibie masih belum menunjukan hasil dan akibatnya negara terus membiayai biaya operasi industri-industri strategis yang cukup besar.

Industri-industri strategis ala Habibie (IPTN, Pindad, PAL) pada akhirnya memberikan hasil seperti pesawat terbang, helikopter, senjata, kemampuan pelatihan dan jasa pemeliharaan (maintenance service) untuk mesin-mesin pesawat, amunisi, kapal, tank, panser, senapan kaliber,  water canon, kendaraan RPP-M, kendaraan combat dan masih banyak lagi baik untuk keperluan sipil maupun militer.

Untuk skala internasional, BJ Habibie terlibat dalam berbagai proyek desain dan konstruksi pesawat terbang seperti Fokker F 28, Transall C-130 (militer transport), Hansa Jet 320 (jet eksekutif), Air Bus A-300, pesawat transport DO-31 (pesawat dangn teknologi mendarat dan lepas landas secara vertikal), CN-235, dan CN-250 (pesawat dengan teknologi fly-by-wire). Selain itu, Habibie secara tidak langsung ikut terlibat dalam proyek perhitungan dan desain Helikopter Jenis BO-105, pesawat tempur multi function, beberapa peluru kendali dan satelit.

Panser 6x6 Buatan Pindad

Karena pola pikirnya tersebut, maka saya menganggap beliau sebagai bapak teknologi Indonesia, terlepaskan seberapa besar kesuksesan industri strategis ala Habibie. Karena kita tahu bahwa pada tahun 1992, IMF menginstruksikan kepada Soeharto agar tidak memberikan dana operasi kepada IPTN, sehingga pada saat itu IPTN mulai memasuki kondisi kritis. Hal ini dikarenakan rencana Habibie membuat satelit sendiri (catatan : tahun 1970-an Indonesia merupakan negara terbesar ke-2 pemakaian satelit), pesawat sendiri, serta peralatan militer sendiri. Hal ini didukung dengan 40 0rang tenaga ahli Indonesia yang memiliki pengalaman kerja di perusahaan pembuat satelit Hughes Amerika akan ditarik pulang ke Indonesia untuk mengembangkan industri teknologi tinggi di Indonesia. Jika hal ini terwujud, maka ini akan mengancam industri teknologi Amerika (mengurangi pangsa pasar) sekaligus kekhawatiran kemampuan teknologi tinggi dan militer Indonesia.

Dirgantara Indonesia
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PT Dirgantara Indonesia (PT. DI)
Logo saat ini
Jenis Badan Usaha Milik Negara Strategis
Industri/jasa        Dirgantara dan Pertahanan
Didirikan    24 Agustus 2000, berubah menjadi PT Dirgantara Indonesia di Bandung
Kantor pusat       Bandung, Indonesia
Produk       Pesawat komersial
Pesawat militer
Komponen pesawat
Servis pesawat
Pertahanan
Teknik (engineering)
Karyawan  3.720 (2004)
Situs web  www.indonesian-aerospace.com

Gedung Ptdi
PT. Dirgantara Indonesia (DI) (nama bahasa Inggris: Indonesian Aerospace Inc.) adalah industri pesawat terbang yang pertama dan satu-satunya di Indonesia dan di wilayah Asia Tenggara. Perusahaan ini dimiliki oleh Pemerintah Indonesia. DI didirikan pada 26 April 1976 dengan nama PT. Industri Pesawat Terbang Nurtanio dan BJ Habibie sebagai Presiden Direktur. Industri Pesawat Terbang Nurtanio kemudian berganti nama menjadi Industri Pesawat Terbang Nusantara (IPTN) pada 11 Oktober 1985. Setelah direstrukturisasi, IPTN kemudian berubah nama menjadi Dirgantara Indonesia pada 24 Agustus 2000.

Sikumbang, pesawat era Nurtanio
Dirgantara Indonesia tidak hanya memproduksi berbagai pesawat tetapi juga helikopter, senjata, menyediakan pelatihan dan jasa pemeliharaan (maintenance service) untuk mesin-mesin pesawat. Dirgantara Indonesia juga menjadi sub-kontraktor untuk industri-industri pesawat terbang besar di dunia seperti Boeing, Airbus, General Dynamic, Fokker dan lain sebagainya. Dirgantara Indonesia pernah mempunyai karyawan sampai 16 ribu orang. Karena krisis ekonomi yang melanda Indonesia, Dirgantara Indonesia melakukan rasionalisasi karyawannya hingga menjadi berjumlah sekitar 4000 orang.
Pada awal hingga pertengahan tahun 2000-an Dirgantara Indonesia mulai menunjukkan kebangkitannya kembali, banyak pesanan dari luar negeri seperti Thailand, Malaysia, Brunei, Korea, Filipina dan lain-lain.[butuh rujukan] Meskipun begitu, karena dinilai tidak mampu membayar utang berupa kompensasi dan manfaat pensiun dan jaminan hari tua kepada mantan karyawannya, DI dinyatakan pailit oleh Pengadilan Niaga pada Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Pusat pada 4 September 2007.[1] Namun pada tanggal 24 Oktober 2007 keputusan pailit tersebut dibatalkan. [2].
Tahun 2012 merupakan momen kebangkitan Dirgantara Indonesia. Pada awal 2012 Dirgantara Indonesia berhasil mengirimkan 4 pesawat CN235 pesanan Korea Selatan. Selain itu Dirgantara Indonesia juga sedang berusaha menyelesaikan 3 pesawat CN235 pesanan TNI AL, dan 24 Heli Super Puma dari EUROCOPTER.
Selain beberapa pesawat tersebut Dirgantara Indonesia juga sedang menjajaki untuk membangun pesawat C295 (CN235 versi jumbo) dan N219, serta kerja sama dengan Korea Selatan dalam membangun pesawat tempur siluman KFX.
Daftar isi  [sembunyikan]
1 Sejarah awal
1.1 LAPIP
1.1.1 Gelatik
1.2 LIPNUR
2 Produksi
2.1 Pesawat Sayap Tetap
2.2 Komponen pesawat (sebagai sub-kontraktor pabrikan luar negeri)
2.3 Helikopter
2.4 Lainnya
3 Direktur Utama
4 Pranala luar
5 Referensi
Sejarah awal[sunting | sunting sumber]
Industri Pesawat Terbang Nusantara (1976-2000)
Logo IPTN Era BJ Habibie
Jenis sebelumnya       Badan Usaha Milik Negara Strategis
Industri/jasa        Dirgantara dan Pertahanan
Didirikan    23 Agustus 1976, berdasar akte notaris 15 pada 26 April 1976 di Jakarta
Ditutup       2000
Kantor pusat       Bandung, Indonesia
Produk       Pesawat komersial
Pesawat militer
Komponen pesawat
Servis pesawat
Pertahanan
Teknik (engineering)
Karyawan  16.000

BJ Habibie, Bapak Industri Pesawat Modern Indonesia

Nurtanio, Bapak Perintis Industri Pesawat Indonesia
LAPIP[sunting | sunting sumber]
Kependekan dari Lembaga Persiapan Industri Penerbangan diresmikan pada 16 Desember 1961, dibentuk oleh KASAU untuk mempersiapkan Industri Penerbangan yang mempunyai kemampuan untuk mendukung kegiatan penerbangan nasional Indonesia
Sehubungan dengan ini LAPIP pada tahun 1961 menandatangani perjanjian kerjasama dengan CEKOP (industri pesawat terbang Polandia) untuk membangun sebuah industri pesawat terbang di Indonesia.
Kontrak dengan CEKOP:
Menbangun gedung untuk fasilitas manufaktur pesawat terbang
Pelatihan SDM
Memproduksi PZL-104 Wilga under licence sebagai Gelatik
Gelatik[sunting | sunting sumber]
Pesawat Gelatik diproduksi sebanyak 44 unit,dipergunakan sebagai pesawat terbang pertanian, transpor ringan, dan aero-club
LIPNUR[sunting | sunting sumber]
Pada tahun 1965 Berdiri KOPELAPIP (Komando Pelaksana Industri Pesawat Terbang) dan PN. Industri Pesawat Terbang Berdikari melalui Dekrit Presiden. Setelah pada tahun 1966 Nurtanio meninggal, Pemerintah menggabungkan KOPELAPIP dan PN. Industri Pesawat Terbang Berdikari menjadi LIPNUR kependekan dari Lembaga Industri Penerbangan Nurtanio untuk menghormati kepeloporan almarhum Nurtanio.
Kemudian setelah itu datanglah BJ Habibie yang mengubah LIPNUR menjadi IPTN yang dikemudian hari sempat tercatat sebagai industri pesawat terbang termaju di negara berkembang.
Produksi[sunting | sunting sumber]
Pesawat Sayap Tetap[sunting | sunting sumber]
N-2130, Proyek Dihentikan karena krisis finansial Asia 1997
N-250 (Tahap uji terbang prototype)[3]
NC-212[4][5][6]
CN-235 [7][8][9]
N-219[10][11][12]
N-245, pengembangan dari CN-235 dengan peningkatan kapasitas pesawat[13]
Sikumbang produksi era Nurtanio
Belalang produksi era Nurtanio
Kunang produksi era Nurtanio
Gelatik produksi era LAPIP lisensi dari CEKOP Polandia (sekarang dikenal dengan nama PZL)
Komponen pesawat (sebagai sub-kontraktor pabrikan luar negeri)[sunting | sunting sumber]
Komponen sayap dari Boeing 737
Komponen sayap dari Boeing 767
Komponen sayap dari Airbus A320
Komponen sayap dari Airbus A330
Komponen sayap dari Airbus A340
Komponen sayap dari Airbus A380
Komponen sayap dari Airbus A350[14]
Komponen ekor dari Sukhoi Superjet 100[15]
Helikopter[sunting | sunting sumber]
NBO 105 dipergunakan secara luas di Indonesia, lisensi dari MBB Jerman. Dihentikan sejak juli 2011.
NBK 117
NBell 412 lisensi dari Bell Helicopter, AS
NAS 330 Puma lisensi dari Aerospatiale, Perancis
Eurocopter 332 Super Puma Pengembangan dari Puma, lisensi dari Eurocopter, Perancis
Eurocopter Fennec pengganti NBO 105.[16][17]
Eurocopter Ecureuil pengganti NBO 105.[18]
Eurocopter EC725
Tailboom dan fuselage dari EC 725 dan EC 225[19][20]
Lainnya[sunting | sunting sumber]
SUT Torpedo
Turbin Uap 2 MW oleh PT Nusantara Turbin Propulsi (anak perusahaan PT. DI)[21]
Turbin Uap 4 MW oleh PT Nusantara Turbin Propulsi (anak perusahaan PT. DI)[22]
Hovercraft [23]

-Rancangan pesawat R80 karya mantan Menristek BJ Habibie saat ini sudah masuk tahap preliminary design atau desain awal yang tertuang dalam rencana bisnis. Rencananya dalam 20 tahun, sebanyak 400 unit pesawat ini akan diproduksi di pabrik PT Dirgantara Indonesia (PT DI), Bandung, Jawa Barat.

"Kita sekarang sedang dalam rencana bisnis. 400 pesawat dalam 20 years," kata Presiden Direktur PT Ragio Aviasi Industri (RAI) Agung Nugroho dalam acara penandatanganan MoU antara PT RAI dengan Dassault Systèmes di Hotel Indonesia Kempinski, Jakarta, Selasa (8/4/2014).

Agung mengatakan, setelah preliminary design selesai, pada periode 2014-2017 pesawat berkapasitas 80 penumpang ini masuk ke dalam detail design, selanjutnya dibuat prototipe dan design pesawat yang lebih rinci. Setelah ada prototipe, pesawat akan masuk ke tahap sertifikasi dan pengujian terbang perdana.

"Sumber daya manusia kita akan ambil dari PT DI, karena kita tidak punya sumber daya manusia yang besar, tapi kita punya ahli untuk mengembangkan R80. Kita masuk tahap akhir preliminary design, setelah itu detail design, dirinci ke yang lebih detail," papar Agung.

Di tempat yang sama, Komisaris PT RAI yang juga merupakan putra dari BJ Habibie, Ilham Habibie mengatakan akhir tahun ini diharapkan desain awal sudah rampung. Sehingga tahun depan, prototipe sudah bisa dibuat.


"Kita belum tuntas, kita belum pilih engine, kokpitnya itu kalau sudah kita bakukan desainnya. Mungkin pertengahan atau akhir tahun. Kalau itu selesai definisi pesawat itu sudah oke, maka kita bisa berikan harga," jelas Ilham. (Bersambung)

Unfinished journey (31)

Sukarno and Agus Salim
Unfinished journey (31)

(Part Therty one, Depok, West Java, Indonesia, September 3, 2014, 7:55 pm)

I see President Sukarno (see physically) when the first Indonesian president to visit the city of Balikpapan East Kalimantan in 1965, when I was with colleagues in school Kindergarten Persit Kartika Candra Kirana next field Sudirman scout wearing and carrying a small red and white flag lined the streets around the highway adjacent to Sepinggan.

In this harbor filled with boats Balikpapan submarines and warships belonging to the Soviet Union, and many Russian soldiers live in housing around Sudirman Field.


Sukarno
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (September 2013)
Dr.h.c. Ir.
Sukarno
Presiden Sukarno.jpg
Sukarno in 1949
1st President of Indonesia
In office
18 August 1945 – 12 March 1967
Prime Minister    Sutan Sjahrir
Amir Sjarifuddin
Muhammad Hatta
Abdul Halim
Muhammad Natsir
Soekiman Wirjosandjojo
Wilopo
Ali Sastroamidjojo
Burhanuddin Harahap
Djuanda Kartawidjaja
Vice President    Mohammad Hatta
Succeeded by    Suharto
12th Prime Minister of Indonesia as President of Indonesia For Life
In office
9 July 1959 – 25 July 1966
President   Sukarno
Preceded by       Djuanda Kartawidjaja
Succeeded by    Post abolished
Personal details
Born Kusno Sosrodihardjo[citation needed]
6 June 1901
Soerabaia, Dutch East Indies[1][2]
Died  21 June 1970 (aged 69)
Jakarta, Indonesia
Political party      Indonesian National Party
Spouse(s) Oetari
Inggit Garnasih
Fatmawati (m. 1943-1960)
Hartini
Kartini Manoppo
Ratna Sari Dewi Soekarno (m. 1960-1970, his death)
Haryati
Yurike Sanger
Heldy Djafar
Children     9
Alma mater         Bandung Institute of Technology
Religion     Islam/Kejawen
Signature  
Sukarno (6 June 1901 – 21 June 1970),[3] was the first President of Indonesia.

Sukarno was the leader of his country's struggle for independence from the Netherlands and was Indonesia's first president, in office from 1945 to 1967. He was a prominent leader of Indonesia's nationalist movement during the Dutch colonial period, and spent over a decade under Dutch detention until released by the invading Japanese forces. Sukarno and his fellow nationalists collaborated to garner support for the Japanese war effort from the population, in exchange for Japanese aid in spreading nationalist ideas. Upon Japanese surrender, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta declared Indonesian independence on 17 August 1945, and Sukarno was appointed as first president. He led Indonesians in resisting Dutch re-colonization efforts via diplomatic and military means until the Dutch acknowledgment of Indonesian independence in 1949.

After a chaotic period of parliamentary democracy, Sukarno established an autocratic system called "Guided Democracy" in 1957 that successfully ended the instability and rebellions which were threatening the survival of the diverse and fractious country. The early 1960s saw Sukarno veering Indonesia to the left by providing support and protection to the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) at the expense of the military and Islamists. He also embarked on a series of aggressive foreign policies under the rubric of anti-imperialism, with aid from the Soviet Union and China. The 30 September Movement led to the destruction of PKI and his replacement by one of his generals, Suharto (see Transition to the New Order), and he remained under house arrest until his death.








Sukarno and Wife

Name
The spelling "Sukarno" is frequently used in English, as it is based on the newer official spelling in Indonesia since 1947, but the older spelling Soekarno, based on Dutch orthography, is still frequently used, mainly because he signed his name in the old spelling. Official Indonesian presidential decrees from the period 1947–1968, however, printed his name using the 1947 spelling. The Soekarno–Hatta International Airport which serves near Jakarta, the capital of Indonesia, for example, still uses the older spelling.

Indonesians also remember him as Bung Karno (Brother/Comrade Karno) or Pak Karno (Mr. Karno) .[4] Like many Javanese people, he had only one name.[5] The name Soekarno means "Good Karna" in Javanese.

Background[edit]

Sukarno as an HBS student in Surabaya, 1916
The son of a Javanese primary school teacher, an aristocrat named Raden Soekemi Sosrodihardjo, and his Balinese wife from the Brahman caste named Ida Ayu Nyoman Rai from Buleleng regency, Sukarno was born at Jalan Pandean IV/40 Surabaya, East Java, in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia). Following Javanese custom, he was renamed after surviving a childhood illness. After graduating from a native primary school in 1912, he was sent to Europeesche Lagere School (Dutch-primary school) in Mojokerto. When his father sent him to Surabaya in 1916 to attend a Hogere Burger School (Dutch-college preparatory school), he met Tjokroaminoto, a nationalist and founder of Sarekat Islam, the owner of the boarding house where he lived. In 1920, Sukarno married Tjokroaminoto's daughter Siti Oetari. In 1921, he began to study at the Technische Hogeschool (Bandoeng Institute of Technology) in Bandung. He studied civil engineering and focused on architecture. In Bandung, Sukarno became romantically involved with Inggit Garnasih, the wife of Sanoesi, the owner of the boarding house where he lived as student. Inggit was 13 years older than Sukarno. On March 1923, Sukarno divorced Siti Oetari to marry Inggit (who also divorced her husband Sanoesi). And later on, Sukarno divorced Inggit also and married Fatmawati.

Sukarno graduated with a degree in engineering on 25 May 1926. In July 1926, with his university friend Anwari, he established the architectural firm Sukarno & Anwari in Bandung, which provided planning and contractor services. Among Sukarno's architectural works are the renovated building of the Preanger Hotel (1929), where he acted as assistant to famous Dutch architect Charles Prosper Wolff Schoemaker. Sukarno also designed many private houses on today's Jalan Gatot Subroto, Jalan Palasari, and Jalan Dewi Sartika in Bandung. Later on, as president, Sukarno remained engaged in architecture, designing the Proclamation Monument and adjacent Gedung Pola in Jakarta; the Youth Monument (Tugu Muda) in Semarang; the Alun-alun Monument in Malang; the Heroes' Monument in Surabaya; and also the new city of Palangkaraya in Central Kalimantan.

Atypically, even among the colony's small educated elite, Sukarno was fluent in several languages. In addition to the Javanese language of his childhood, he was a master of Sundanese, Balinese and of Indonesian, and especially strong in Dutch. He was also quite comfortable in German, English, French, Arabic, and Japanese, all of which were taught at his HBS. He was helped by his photographic memory and precocious mind.[6]

In his studies, Sukarno was "intensely modern," both in architecture and in politics. He despised both the traditional Javanese feudalism, which he considered as "backward" and was to blame for the fall of the country under Dutch colonialism, and the imperialism practiced by Western countries, which he termed as "exploitation of humans by other humans" (exploitation de l'homme par l'homme) and is responsible for the deep poverty and low levels of education of Indonesian people under the Dutch. To promote nationalistic pride amongst Indonesian people, Sukarno interpreted these ideas in his dress, in his urban planning for the capital (eventually Jakarta), and in his socialist politics, though he did not extend his taste for modern art to pop music; he had Koes Bersaudara imprisoned for their allegedly decadent lyrics despite his reputation for womanising. For Sukarno, modernity was blind to race, neat and Western in style, and anti-imperialist.[7]

Independence struggle[edit]
See also: Dutch Ethical Policy and Indonesian National Revival
Sukarno was first exposed to nationalist ideas while living under Tjokroaminoto. Later, while a student in Bandung, he immersed himself in Western, Nationalist, communist, and religious political philosophy, eventually developing his own political ideology of Indonesian-style socialist self-sufficiency. He began styling his ideas as Marhaenism, named after Marhaen, an Indonesian peasant he met in southern Bandung area, who owned his little plot of land and worked on it himself, producing sufficient income to support his family. In university, Sukarno began organising a study club for Indonesian students, the Algemeene Studieclub, in opposition to the established student clubs dominated by Dutch students.

On 4 July 1927, Sukarno with his friends from the Algemeene Studieclub established a pro-independence party, Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI), of which Sukarno was elected the first leader. The party advocated independence for Indonesia, and opposed imperialism and capitalism because it opined that both systems worsened the life of Indonesian people. The party also advocated secularism and unity amongst the many different ethnicities in the Dutch East Indies, to establish a united Indonesia. Sukarno also hoped that Japan would commence a war against the western powers and that Java could then gain its independence with Japan's aid. Coming soon after the disintegration of Sarekat Islam in early 1920s and the crushing of Partai Komunis Indonesia after their failed rebellion of 1926, PNI began to attract a large number of followers, particularly among the new university-educated youths eager for larger freedoms and opportunities denied to them in the racist and constrictive political system of Dutch colonialism.[8]


Sukarno with fellow defendants and attorneys during his trial in Bandung, 1930.
PNI activities came to the attention of the colonial government, and Sukarno's speeches and meetings was often infiltrated and disrupted by agents of the colonial secret police (Politieke Inlichtingen Dienst/PID). Eventually, Sukarno and other key PNI leaders were arrested on 29 December 1929 by Dutch colonial authorities in a series of raids throughout Java. Sukarno himself was arrested while on a visit to Yogyakarta. During his trial at the Bandung Landraad courthouse from August to December 1930, Sukarno made a series of long political speeches attacking colonialism and imperialism, titled Indonesia Menggoegat (Indonesia Accuses).

On December 1930, Sukarno was sentenced to four years in prison, which were served in Sukamiskin prison in Bandung. His speech, however, received wide coverage by the press, and due to strong pressure from the liberal elements in both Netherlands and Dutch East Indies, Sukarno was released early on 31 December 1931. By this time, he had become a popular hero widely known throughout Indonesia.

However, during his imprisonment, PNI had been splintered by oppression of colonial authorities and internal dissension. The original PNI was disbanded by the Dutch, and its former members formed two different parties; the Partai Indonesia (Partindo) under Sukarno's associate Sartono who were promoting mass agitation, and the Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia (PNI Baroe) under Mohammad Hatta and Soetan Sjahrir, two nationalists who recently returned from studies in the Netherlands, and who were promoting a long-term strategy of providing modern education to the uneducated Indonesian populace to develop an intellectual elite able to offer effective resistance to Dutch rule. After attempting to reconcile the two parties to establish one united nationalist front, Sukarno chose to become the head of Partindo on 28 July 1932. Partindo had maintained its alignment with Sukarno's own strategy of immediate mass agitation, and Sukarno disagreed with Hatta's long-term cadre-based struggle. Hatta himself believed Indonesian independence would not occur within his lifetime, while Sukarno believed Hatta's strategy ignored of the fact that politics can only make real changes through formation and utilisation of force (machtsvorming en machtsaanwending).[8]

During this period, to support himself and the party financially, Sukarno returned to architecture, opening the bureau of Soekarno & Rooseno. He also wrote articles for the party's newspaper, Fikiran Ra'jat. While based in Bandung, Sukarno travelled extensively throughout Java to establish contacts with other nationalists. His activities attracted further attention by the Dutch PID. In mid-1933, Sukarno published a series of writings titled Mentjapai Indonesia Merdeka ("To Attain Independent Indonesia"). For this writing, he was arrested by Dutch police while visiting fellow nationalist Mohammad Hoesni Thamrin in Jakarta on 1 August 1933.

This time, to prevent providing Sukarno with a platform to make political speeches, the hardline governor-general jonkheer Bonifacius Cornelis de Jonge utilised his emergency powers to send Sukarno to internal exile without trial. In 1934, Sukarno was shipped, along with his family (including Inggit Garnasih), to the remote town of Ende, on the island of Flores. During his time in Flores, he utilised his limited freedom of movement to establish a children's theatre. Among its members was future politician Frans Seda. Due to an outbreak of malaria in Flores, the Dutch authorities decided to move Sukarno and his family to Bencoolen (now Bengkulu) on western coast of Sumatra, in February 1938.

In Bengkulu, Sukarno became acquainted with Hassan Din, the local head of Muhammadiyah organisation, and he was allowed to teach religious teachings at a local school owned by the Muhammadiyah. One of his students was 15-year old Fatmawati, daughter of Hassan Din. He became romantically involved with Fatmawati, which he justified by stating the inability of Inggit Garnasih to produce children during their almost 20-year marriage. Sukarno was still in Bengkulu exile when the Japanese invaded the archipelago in 1942.

World War II and the Japanese occupation[edit]
See also: Japanese occupation of Indonesia
In early 1929, during the Indonesian National Revival, Sukarno and fellow Indonesian nationalist leader Mohammad Hatta (later Vice President), first foresaw a Pacific War and the opportunity that a Japanese advance on Indonesia might present for the Indonesian independence cause.[9] In February 1942 Imperial Japan invaded the Dutch East Indies quickly defeating Dutch forces who marched, bussed and trucked Sukarno and his entourage three hundred kilometres from Bengkulu to Padang, Sumatra. They intended keeping him prisoner and shipping him to Australia, but abruptly abandoned him to save themselves upon the impending approach of Japanese forces on Padang.[10]

The Japanese had their own files on Sukarno and the Japanese commander in Sumatra approached him with respect, wanting to use him to organise and pacify the Indonesians. Sukarno on the other hand wanted to use the Japanese to gain independence for Indonesia: "The Lord be praised, God showed me the way; in that valley of the Ngarai I said: Yes, Independent Indonesia can only be achieved with Dai Nippon...For the first time in all my life, I saw myself in the mirror of Asia."[11] On July 1942, Sukarno was sent back to Jakarta, where he re-united with other nationalist leaders recently released by the Japanese, including Mohammad Hatta. There, he met the Japanese commander General Hitoshi Imamura, who asked Sukarno and other nationalists to galvanise support from Indonesian populace to aid Japanese war effort.

File:Sukarno and Japan, ABC 1966.webm
1966 ABC report examining Sukarno's alliance between imperial Japan and the Indonesian nationalist movement
Sukarno was willing to support the Japanese, in exchange for a platform for himself to spread nationalist ideas to the mass population. The Japanese, on the other hand, needed Indonesia's manpower and natural resources to help its war effort. The Japanese recruited millions of people, particularly from Java, to be forced labor called "romusha" in Japanese. They were forced to build railways, airfields, and other facilities for the Japanese within Indonesia and as far away as Burma. Additionally, the Japanese requistioned rice and other food produced by Indonesian peasants to supply their own troops, while forcing the peasantry to cultivate castor oil plants to be used as aviation fuel and lubricants.[12]

To gain cooperation from Indonesian population and to prevent resistance to these draconian measures, the Japanese put Sukarno as head of Tiga-A mass organisation movement. On March 1943, the Japanese formed a new organisation called Poesat Tenaga Rakjat (POETERA/ Center of People's Power) under Sukarno, Hatta, Ki Hadjar Dewantara, and KH Mas Mansjoer. The aim of these organisations were to galvanise popular support for recruitment of romusha forced labor, requisitioning of food products, and to promote pro-Japanese and anti-Western sentiments amongst Indonesians. Sukarno coined the term, Amerika kita setrika, Inggris kita linggis ("Let's iron America, and bludgeon the British") to promote anti-Allied sentiments. In later years, Sukarno was lastingly ashamed of his role with the romusha. Additionally, food requisitioning by the Japanese caused widespread famine in Java which killed more than one million people in 1944–1945. In his view, these were necessary sacrifices to be made to allow for future independence of Indonesia.[13] He also was involved with the formation of Pembela Tanah Air (PETA) and Heiho (Indonesian volunteer army troops) via speeches broadcast on the Japanese radio and loud speaker networks across Java and Sumatra. By mid-1945 these units numbered around two million, and were preparing to defeat any Allied forces sent to re-take Java.

In the meantime, Sukarno eventually divorced Inggit, who refused to accept her husband's wish for polygamy. She was provided with a house in Bandung and a pension for the rest of her life. In 1943, he married Fatmawati. They lived in a house in Jalan Pegangsaan Timur No. 56, confiscated from its previous Dutch owners and presented to Sukarno by the Japanese. This house would later be the venue of the Proclamation of Indonesian Independence in 1945.

On 10 November 1943 Sukarno and Hatta were sent on a seventeen-day tour of Japan, where they were decorated by the Emperor Hirohito and wined and dined in the house of Prime Minister Hideki Tojo in Tokyo. On 7 September 1944, with the war going badly for the Japanese, Prime Minister Kuniaki Koiso promised independence for Indonesia, although no date was set.[14] This announcement was seen, according to the U.S. official history, as immense vindication for Sukarno's apparent collaboration with the Japanese.[15] The U.S. at the time considered Sukarno one of the "foremost collaborationist leaders."[16]

On 29 April 1945, with the fall of Philippines to American hands, the Japanese allowed for the establishment of Badan Penjelidik Oesaha-oesaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI), a quasi-legislature consisting of 67 representatives from most ethnic-groups in Indonesia. Sukarno was appointed as head of BPUPKI and was tasked to lead discussion to prepare the basis of a future Indonesian state. To provide a common and acceptable platform to unite the various squabbling factions in BPUPKI, Sukarno formulated his ideological thinking developed for the past twenty years into five principles. On 1 June 1945, he introduced these five principles, known as pancasila, during the joint session of BPUPKI held in the former Volksraad Building (now called Gedung Pancasila).

Pancasila as presented by Sukarno during the BPUPKI speech, consisted of five common principles which Sukarno saw as commonly shared by all Indonesians:

Nationalism, whereby a united Indonesian state would stretch from Sabang to Merauke, encompassing all former Dutch East Indies
Internationalism, meaning Indonesia is to appreciate human rights and contribute to world peace, and should not fall into chauvinistic fascism such as displayed by Nazis with their belief in the racial superiority of Aryans
Democracy, which Sukarno believed has always been in the blood of Indonesians through the practice of consensus-seeking (musyawarah untuk mufakat), an Indonesian-style democracy different from Western-style liberalism
Social justice, a form of populist socialism in economics with Marxist-style opposition to free capitalism. Social justice also intended to provide equal share of the economy to all Indonesians, as opposed to the complete economic domination by the Dutch and Chinese during the colonial period
Belief in God, whereby all religions are treated equally and have religious freedom. Sukarno saw Indonesians as spiritual and religious people, but in essence tolerant towards differing religious beliefs
On 22 June, the Islamic and nationalist elements of BPUPKI created a small committee of nine, which formulated Sukarno's ideas into the five-point Pancasila, in a document known as the Jakarta Charter:

Belief in one and only Almighty God with obligation for Muslims to adhere to Islamic law
Civilised and just humanity
Unity of Indonesia
Democracy through inner wisdom and representative consensus-building
Social justice for all Indonesians
Due to pressure from the Islamic element, the first principle mentioned the obligation for Muslims to practice Islamic law (sharia). However, the final Sila as contained in the 1945 Constitution which was put into effect on 18 August 1945, excluded the reference to Islamic law for sake of national unity. The elimination of sharia was done by Mohammad Hatta based upon request by Christian representative Alexander Andries Maramis, and after consultation with moderate Islamic representatives Teuku Mohammad Hassan, Kasman Singodimedjo, and Ki Bagoes Hadikoesoemo.[17]

On 7 August 1945, the Japanese allowed the formation a smaller Panitia Penjelidik Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI), a 21-person committee tasked with creating specific governmental structure of future Indonesian state. On 9 August, the top leaders of PPKI (Sukarno, Hatta, and KRH Radjiman Wediodiningrat), were summoned by Commander-in-Chief of Japan's Southern Expeditionary Forces, Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi, to Da Lat, 100 km from Saigon. Field Marshal Terauchi gave Sukarno the freedom to proceed with preparation for Indonesian independence, free of Japanese interference. After much wining and dining, Sukarno's entourage was flown back to Jakarta on 14 August. Unbeknownst to the guests, atomic bombs had been dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and the Japanese were preparing for surrender.

The following day, on 15 August, the Japanese declared their acceptance of Potsdam Declaration terms, and unconditionally surrendered to the Allies. On the afternoon of that day, Sukarno received this information from leaders of youth groups and members of PETA Chairul Saleh, Soekarni, and Wikana, who had been listening to Western radio broadcasts. They urged Sukarno to declare Indonesian independence immediately, while the Japanese were in confusion and before the arrival of Allied forces. Faced with this quick turn of events, Sukarno procrastinated. He feared bloodbath due to hostile response from the Japanese to such a move, and was concerned with prospects of future Allied retribution.

At early morning on 16 August, the three youth leaders, impatient with Sukarno's indecision, kidnapped him from his house and brought him to a small house in Rengasdengklok, Karawang, owned by a Chinese family and occupied by PETA. There they gained Sukarno's commitment to declare independence within the next day. That night, the youths drove Sukarno back to the house of Admiral Tadashi Maeda, the Japanese naval liaison officer in Menteng area of Jakarta, who sympathised with Indonesian independence. There, he and his assistant Sajoeti Melik prepared text of Proclamation of Indonesian Independence.

War leader[edit]

Sukarno, accompanied by Mohammad Hatta (right), declaring the independence of Indonesia.
See also: Indonesian National Revolution and Liberal democracy period in Indonesia
On early morning of 17 August 1945, Sukarno returned to his house at Jl Pegangsaan Timur No. 56, where he was joined by Mohammad Hatta. Throughout the morning, impromptu leaflets printed by PETA and youth elements informed the population of the impending proclamation. Finally, on 10 am, Sukarno and Hatta stepped to the front porch, where Sukarno declared the independence of the Republic of Indonesia in front of a crowd of 500 people. Ironically and tragically, this supposed to be the most historic building for the new state had been ordered to be demolished by Sukarno himself without any apparent reason.[18]

On the following day, 18 August, PPKI declared the basic governmental structure of the new Republic of Indonesia:

Appointing Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta as President and Vice-President and their cabinet.
Putting into effect the 1945 Indonesian constitution, which by this time excluded any reference to Islamic law.
Setting a Central Indonesian National Committee (Komite Nasional Indonesia Poesat/KNIP) to assist the president prior to election of a parliament.
Sukarno's vision for the 1945 Indonesian constitution comprised the Pancasila (five principles). Sukarno's political philosophy was mainly a fusion of elements of Marxism, nationalism and Islam. This is reflected in a proposition of his version of Pancasila he proposed to the BPUPKI (Inspectorate of Indonesian Independence Preparation Efforts) in a speech on 1 June 1945.[17]

Sukarno argued that all of the principles of the nation could be summarized in the phrase gotong royong.[19] The Indonesian parliament, founded on the basis of this original (and subsequently revised) constitution, proved all but ungovernable. This was due to irreconcilable differences between various social, political, religious and ethnic factions.[20]

In the days following the Proclamation, the news of Indonesian independence was spread by radio, newspaper, leaflets, and word of mouth despite attempts by the Japanese soldiers to suppress the news. On 19 September, Sukarno addressed a crowd of one million people at the Ikada Field of Jakarta (now part of Merdeka Square) to commemorate one month of independence, indicating the strong level of popular support for the new republic, at least on Java and Sumatra. In these two islands, the Sukarno government quickly established governmental control while the remaining Japanese mostly retreated to their barracks awaiting arrival of Allied forces. This period was marked by constant attacks by armed groups on Europeans, Chinese, Christians, native aristocracy and anyone who were perceived to oppose Indonesian independence. The most serious cases were the Social Revolutions in Aceh and North Sumatra, where large numbers of Acehnese and Malay aristocrats were killed by Islamic groups (in Aceh) and communist-led mobs (in North Sumatra), and the "Three Regions Affair" in northwestern coast of Central Java where large numbers of Europeans, Chinese, and native aristocrats were butchered by mobs. These bloody incidences continued until late 1945 to early 1946, and begin to peter-out as Republican authorities begin to exert and consolidate control.

Sukarno's government initially postponed the formation of a national army, for fear of antagonizing the Allied occupation forces and their doubt over whether they would have been able to form an adequate military apparatus to maintain control of seized territory. The members of various militia groups formed during Japanese occupation such as the disbanded PETA and Heiho, at that time were encouraged to join the BKR—Badan Keamanan Rakjat (The People's Security Organization)—itself a subordinate of the "War Victims Assistance Organization". It was only in October 1945 that the BKR was reformed into the TKR—Tentara Keamanan Rakjat (The People's Security Army) in response to the increasing Allied and Dutch presence in Indonesia. The TKR armed themselves mostly by attacking Japanese troops and confiscating their weapons.











Sukarno

Due to sudden transfer of Java and Sumatra from General Douglas MacArthur's American-dominated Southwest Pacific Area to Lord Louis Mountbatten's British-dominated Southeast Asian Command, the first Allied soldiers (1st Battalion of Seaforth Highlanders) only arrived in Jakarta in late September 1945. British forces began to occupy major Indonesian cities on October 1945. The commander of British 23rd Division, Lieutenant General Sir Philip Christison, set up command in the former governor-general's palace in Jakarta. Christison stated its intentions as the liberation of all Allied prisoners-of-war, and to allow the return of Indonesia to its pre-war status, as colony of Netherlands. The Republican government were willing to cooperate with regards to the release and repatriation of Allied civilian and military POWs, setting-up the Committee for the Repatriation of Japanese and Allied Prisoners of Wars and Internees (Panitia Oeroesan Pengangkoetan Djepang dan APWI/POPDA) for this purpose. POPDA, in cooperation with the British, repatriated more than 70,000 Japanese and Allied POWs and internees by the end of 1946. To resist Dutch attempts to regain control of the country, Sukarno's strategy was to seek international recognition and support for the new Indonesian Republic, in view of the relative military weakness of the Republic compared with British and Dutch military power.

Sukarno was aware that his history as Japanese collaborator and his leadership in Japanese-approved PUTERA during the Occupation may complicate relationship with the Western countries. Hence, to help acquire international recognition as well as to accommodate domestic demands for establishment of political parties, Sukarno allowed the formation of parliamentary system of government, whereby a prime minister controlled day-to-day affairs of the government, while Sukarno as president remained as figurehead. The prime minister and his cabinet will be responsible to the Central Indonesian National Committee instead of the president. On 14 November 1945, Sukarno appointed Sutan Sjahrir as first prime minister, he was a European-educated politician who was never involved with the Japanese occupation authorities.

Ominously, Dutch soldiers and administrators under the name of Netherlands Indies Civil Administration (NICA) began to return under the protection of the British. They were led by Hubertus Johannes van Mook, a pre-war Dutch colonial administrator who led the Dutch East Indies government-in-exile in Brisbane, Australia. They armed released Dutch POWs, which began to engage in shooting rampages against Indonesian civilians and Republican police. As a consequence, armed conflict soon erupted between the newly constituted Republican forces aided by a myriad of pro-independence mob groups, against the British and Dutch forces. On 10 November, a full-scale battle broke-out in Surabaya between British Indian 49th Infantry Brigade and Indonesian population, involving air and naval bombardments of the city by the British. 300 British soldiers were killed (including its commander Brigadier AWS Mallaby), while thousands of Indonesians died. Shootouts broke-out with alarming regularity in Jakarta, including an attempted assassination of Prime Minister Sjahrir by Dutch gunmen. To avoid this menace, Sukarno and majority of his government left for the safety of Yogyakarta on 4 January 1946. There, the Republican government received protection and full support from Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX. Yogyakarta will remain as the Republic's capital until end of the war in 1949. Sjahrir remained in Jakarta to conduct negotiations with the British.[21]

The initial series of battles in late 1945 and early 1946 left the British in control of major port cities on Java and Sumatra. During the Japanese occupation, the Outer Islands (excluding Java and Sumatra) was occupied by Japanese Navy (Kaigun), which did not allow for political mobilisation in their areas on account of the small population base available for mobilisation, and the proximity of these areas to active theatres of war. Consequently, there were little Republican activity in these islands post-proclamation. Australian and Dutch forces quickly occupied these islands without much fighting by end of 1945 (excluding the resistance of I Gusti Ngurah Rai in Bali, the insurgency in South Sulawesi, and fighting in Hulu Sungai area of South Kalimantan). Meanwhile, the hinterland areas of Java and Sumatra remained under Republican administration.

Eager to pull-out its soldiers from Indonesia, the British allowed for large-scale infusion of Dutch forces into the country throughout 1946. By November 1946, all British soldiers have been withdrawn from Indonesia, replaced by more than 150,000 Dutch soldiers. On the other hand, the British sent Lord Archibald Clark Kerr, 1st Baron Inverchapel and Miles Lampson, 1st Baron Killearn to bring the Dutch and Indonesians to the negotiating table. The result of these negotiations was the Linggadjati Agreement signed on November 1946, where the Dutch acknowledged de facto Republican sovereignty over Java, Sumatra, and Madura. In exchange, the Republicans were willing to discuss future Commonwealth-like United Kingdom of Netherlands and Indonesia.


Sukarno addressing the KNIP (parliament) in Malang, March 1947
Sukarno's decision to negotiate with the Dutch was met with strong opposition by various Indonesian factions. Tan Malaka, a communist politician, organised these groups into a united front called the Persatoean Perdjoangan (PP). PP offered a "Minimum Program" which called for complete independence, nationalisation of all foreign properties, and rejection of all negotiations until all foreign troops are withdrawn. These programmes received widespread popular support, including from armed forces commander General Sudirman. On 4 July 1946, military units linked with PP kidnapped Prime Minister Sjahrir who was visiting Yogyakarta. Sjahrir was leading the negotiation with the Dutch. Sukarno, after successfully influencing Sudirman, managed to secure the release of Sjahrir and the arrest of Tan Malaka and other PP leaders. Disapproval of Linggadjati terms within the KNIP led Sukarno to issue a decree doubling KNIP membership by including many pro-agreement appointed members. As consequence, KNIP ratified the Linggadjati Agreement on March 1947.[22]

On 21 July 1947, the Linggadjati Agreement was broken by the Dutch, who launched Operatie Product, a massive military invasion into Republican-held territories. Although the newly reconsitituted TNI was unable to offer significant military resistance, the blatant violation by the Dutch on internationally-brokered agreement outraged world opinion. International pressure forced the Dutch to halt their invasion force on August 1947. Sjahrir, who has been replaced as prime minister by Amir Sjarifuddin, flew to New York City to appeal Indonesian case in front of United Nations. UN Security Council issued a resolution calling for immediate ceasefire, and appointed a Good Offices Committee (GOC) to oversee the ceasefire. The GOC, based in Jakarta, consisted of delegations from Australia (led by Richard Kirby, chosen by Indonesia), Belgium (led by Paul van Zeeland, chosen by Netherlands), and United States (led by Frank Porter Graham, neutral).

The Republic was now under strong Dutch military stranglehold, with the Dutch military occupying West Java, and the northern coast of Central Java and East Java, along with the key productive areas of Sumatra. Additionally, the Dutch navy blockaded Republican areas from supplies of vital food, medicine, and weapons. As consequence, Prime Minister Amir Sjarifuddin has little choice but to sign the Renville Agreement on 17 January 1948, which acknowledged Dutch control over areas taken during Operatie Product, while the Republicans pledged to withdraw all forces that remained on the other side of the ceasefire line ("Van Mook Line"). Meanwhile, the Dutch begin to organize puppet states in the areas under their occupation, to counter Republican influence utilising ethnic diversity of Indonesia.

The signing of highly disadvantageous Renville Agreement caused even greater instability within the Republican political structure. In Dutch-occupied West Java, Darul Islam guerrillas under Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo maintained their anti-Dutch resistance and repealed any loyalty to the Republic, they will cause a bloody insurgency in West Java and other areas in the first decades of independence. Prime Minister Sjarifuddin, who signed the agreement, was forced to resign on January 1948, and was replaced by Mohammad Hatta. Hatta cabinet's policy of rationalising the armed forces by demobilising large numbers of armed groups that proliferated the Republican areas, also caused severe disaffection. Leftist political elements, led by resurgent Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) under Musso took advantage of public disaffections by launching rebellion in Madiun, East Java, on 18 September 1948. Bloody fighting continued during late-September until end of October 1948, when the last communist bands were defeated and Musso shot dead. The communists have overestimated their potential to oppose the strong appeal of Sukarno amongst the population.


Sukarno and Foreign Minister Agus Salim in Dutch custody, 1949.
On 19 December 1948, to take advantage of the Republic's weak position following the communist rebellion, the Dutch launched Operatie Kraai, a second military invasion designed to crush the Republic once and for all. The invasion was initiated with an airborne assault on Republican capital Yogyakarta. Sukarno ordered the armed forces under Sudirman to launch guerilla campaign in the countryside, while he and other key leaders such as Hatta and Sjahrir allowed themselves to be taken prisoner by the Dutch. To ensure continuity of government, Sukarno sent a telegram to Sjafruddin Prawiranegara, providing him the mandate to lead an Emergency Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PDRI), based on the unoccupied hinterlands of West Sumatra, a position he kept until Sukarno was released on June 1949. The Dutch sent Sukarno and other captured Republican leaders to captivity in Prapat, in Dutch-occupied part of North Sumatra and later to the island of Bangka.

File:Sukarno's rise to power, ABC 1966.webm
News footage of Sukarno's inauguration as president
The second Dutch invasion caused even more international outrage. United States, impressed by Indonesia's ability to defeat the 1948 communist challenge without outside help, threatened to cut-off Marshall Aid funds to Netherlands if military operations in Indonesia continued. TNI did not disintegrate and continued to wage guerilla resistance against the Dutch, most notably the assault on Dutch-held Yogyakarta led by Lieutenant-Colonel Suharto on 1 March 1949. Consequently, the Dutch were forced to sign the Roem-van Roijen Agreement on 7 May 1949. According to this treaty, the Dutch released the Republican leadership and returned the area surrounding Yogyakarta to Republican control on June 1949. This is followed by the Dutch-Indonesian Round Table Conference held in The Hague which led to the complete transfer of sovereignty by the Queen Juliana of the Netherlands to Indonesia, on 27 December 1949. On that day, Sukarno flew from Yogyakarta to Jakarta, making a triumphant speech at the steps of the governor-general's palace, immediately renamed the Merdeka Palace ("Independence Palace").

Figurehead president[edit]
At this time, as part of compromise with the Dutch, Indonesia adopted a new federal constitution that made the country a federal state called the Republik Indonesia Serikat (Republic of United States of Indonesia), consisting of the Republic of Indonesia whose borders were determined by the "Van Mook Line", along with 6 states and 9 autonomous territories created by the Dutch. During the first half of 1950, these states gradually dissolved itself as the Dutch military that previously propped them, was withdrawn. In August 1950, with the last state – State of East Indonesia – dissolving itself, Sukarno declared a Unitary Republic of Indonesia based on newly formulated provisional constitution of 1950. Both the Federal Constitution of 1949 and the Provisional Constitution of 1950 were parliamentary in nature, where executive authority laid with the prime minister, and which—on paper—limited presidential power. However, even with his formally reduced role, he commanded a good deal of moral authority as Father of the Nation.

The first years of parliamentary democracy proved to be very unstable for Indonesia. Cabinets fell in rapid succession due to the acute differences between the various political parties within the newly appointed parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat/DPR). There was severe disagreements on future path of Indonesian state, between nationalists who wanted a secular state (led by Partai Nasional Indonesia first established by Sukarno), the Islamists who wanted an Islamic state (led by Masyumi Party), and the communists who wanted a communist state (led by PKI, only allowed to operate again in 1951). On the economic front, there was severe dissatisfaction with continuing economic domination by large Dutch corporations and the ethnic-Chinese.

In the regions, the Darul Islam rebels under Kartosuwirjo in West Java refused to acknowledge Sukarno's authority and declared a NII (Negara Islam Indonesia – Islamic State of Indonesia) on August 1949. Rebellions in support of Darul Islam also broke-out in South Sulawesi in 1951, and in Aceh in 1953. Meanwhile, pro-federalism members of the disbanded KNIL launched failed rebellion in Bandung (APRA rebellion of 1950), in Makassar in 1950, and in Ambon (Republic of South Maluku revolt of 1950).[23]

Additionally, the military was torn with hostilities between officers originating from the colonial-era KNIL, who wished for a small and elite professional military, and the overwhelming majority of soldiers who started their careers in the Japanese-formed PETA, who were afraid of being discharged and were more known for nationalist-zeal over professionalism.

On 17 October 1952, the leaders of the former-KNIL faction, Army Chief Colonel Abdul Haris Nasution and Armed Forces Chief-of-Staff Major-General Tahi Bonar Simatupang mobilized their troops in a show of force. Protesting against attempts by the DPR to interfere in military business on behalf of the former-PETA faction of the military, Nasution and Simatupang had their troops surround the Merdeka Palace and point the tank turrets in the direction of the said building. Their demand to Sukarno was that the current DPR be dismissed. For this cause, Nasution and Simatupang also mobilized civilian protesters. Sukarno came out of the palace and using nothing but his famed oratory skills, convinced both soldiers and civilians alike to go home. Nasution and Simatupang had been defeated, and both were later dismissed. Nasution, however, would be re-appointed as Army Chief after reconciling with Sukarno in 1955.

In 1954, Sukarno married Hartini, a 30-year-old widow from Salatiga, whom he met during a reception. His third wife, Fatmawati was outraged by this fourth marriage. She left Sukarno and their children, although they never officially divorced. Fatmawati no longer took up the duties as First Lady, a role subsequently filled by Hartini.


Sukarno casting his vote at the 1955 elections
The 1955 elections produced a new Parliament and a Constitutional Assembly. The election results equally shared power between the antagonistic powers of PNI, Masyumi, Nahdlatul Ulama, and PKI. Hence, domestic political instability continued unabated. Talks in the Constitutional Assembly to produce a new constitution met a deadlock over the issue of whether to include Islamic law.

On the international front, Sukarno organised the Bandung Conference in 1955, with the goal of uniting developing Asian and African countries into a non-aligned movement to counter against the competing superpowers at the time.[24]

Sukarno resented his figurehead position and the increasing disorder of the country's political life. Claiming Western-style democracy was unsuitable for Indonesia, he called for a system of "guided democracy." The Indonesian way of deciding important questions, he argued, was by way of prolonged deliberation designed to achieve a consensus. This was the way problems were solved at the village level, and Sukarno argued it should be the model for the entire nation. He proposed a government based not only on political parties but on "functional groups" composed of the nation's basic elements, which would together form a National Council, through which a national consensus could express itself under presidential guidance.

Vice-President Mohammad Hatta was strongly opposed to Sukarno's guided democracy concept. Citing irreconcilable differences, Hatta resigned from his position in December 1956. Hatta's retirement sent a shockwave across Indonesia, particularly among the non-Javanese ethnicities, who viewed Hatta as their representative in a Javanese-dominated government.

From December 1956 to January 1957, regional military commanders in North Sumatra, Central Sumatra, and South Sumatra provinces took over local government control. They declared a series of military councils which will run their respective areas and refused to accept orders from Jakarta. A similar regional military movement took control of North Sulawesi on March 1957. They demanded the elimination of communist influence in government, equal share in government revenues, and reinstatement of Sukarno-Hatta duumvirate.

Faced with this serious challenge to the unity of the republic, Sukarno declared martial law (Staat van Oorlog en Beleg) on 14 March 1957. He appointed a non-partisan prime minister Djuanda Kartawidjaja, while the military was in the hands of his loyalist General Nasution. Nasution increasingly shared Sukarno's views on the negative impact of western democracy on Indonesia, and he foresaw greater role for the military to bring much-needed discipline to the country.

As a reconciliatory move, Sukarno invited the leaders of the regional councils to Jakarta on 10–14 September 1957, to attend a National Conference (Musjawarah Nasional), which failed to bring a solution to the crisis. On 30 November 1957, an assassination attempt was made by grenade attack against Sukarno when he was visiting a school function in Cikini, Central Jakarta. Six children were killed, but Sukarno did not suffer any serious wounds. The perpetrators were members of the Darul Islam extremist group, under the order of its leader Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo.

By December 1957, Sukarno began to take concrete steps to enforce his authority over the country. On that month, he nationalised 246 Dutch companies which have been dominating Indonesian economy, most notably the NHM, Royal Dutch Shell subsidiary Bataafsche Petroleum Maatschappij, Escomptobank, and the "big five" Dutch trading corporations (NV Borneo Sumatra Maatschappij / Borsumij, NV Internationale Crediet- en Handelsvereeneging "Rotterdam" / Internatio, NV Jacobson van den Berg & Co, NV Lindeteves-Stokvis, and NV Geo Wehry & Co), and expelled 40,000 Dutch citizens remaining in Indonesia while confiscating their properties, due to the failure by the Dutch government to continue negotiations on the fate of Netherlands New Guinea as was promised in the 1949 Round Table Conference.[25] Sukarno's economic nationalism policy was followed by issuance Presidential Directive No. 10 of 1959, which banned commercial activities by foreign nationals in rural areas. This rule targeted the ethnic-Chinese, who dominated both the rural and urban retail economy despite the fact that at this time few of them had Indonesian citizenship. This policy resulted in massive relocation of the rural ethnic-Chinese population to urban areas, while approximately 100,000 chose to return to China.

To face the dissident regional commanders, Sukarno and Army Chief Nasution decided to take drastic steps following the failure of Musjawarah Nasional. By utilising regional officers that remained loyal to Jakarta, Nasution organised a series of "regional coups" which ousted the dissident commanders in North Sumatra (Colonel Maludin Simbolon) and South Sumatra (Colonel Barlian) by December 1957. This returned government control over key cities of Medan and Palembang.

On February 1958, the remaining dissident commanders in Central Sumatra (Colonel Ahmad Hussein) and North Sulawesi (Colonel Ventje Sumual) declared PRRI-Permesta Movement aimed at overthrowing the Jakarta government. They were joined by many civilian politicians from the Masyumi Party, such as Sjafruddin Prawiranegara who were opposed to growing influence of communists. Due to their anti-communist rhetoric, the rebels received monetary, weaponry, and manpower aid from the CIA in a campaign known as Archipelago until Allen Lawrence Pope, an American pilot, was shot down after a bombing raid on government-held Ambon on April 1958. On April 1958, central government responded by launching airborne and seaborne military invasions on Padang and Manado, the rebel capitals. By the end of 1958, the rebels have been militarily defeated, and the last remaining rebel guerilla bands surrendered on August 1961.[26] [27]

'Guided Democracy' and increasing autocracy[edit]

Sukarno (on top of the steps) reading his decree on 5 July 1959
Main article: Guided Democracy in Indonesia
The impressive military victories over the PRRI-Permesta rebels and the popular nationalisation of Dutch companies left Sukarno in a very strong position. On 5 July 1959, Sukarno reinstated the 1945 constitution by presidential decree. It established a presidential system which he believed would make it easier to implement the principles of guided democracy. He called the system Manifesto Politik or Manipol—but was actually government by decree. Sukarno envisioned an Indonesian-style socialist society, who adhere to the principle of USDEK:

Undang-Undang Dasar '45 (Constitution of 1945)
Sosialisme Indonesia (Indonesian socialism)
Demokrasi Terpimpin (Guided Democracy)
Ekonomi Terpimpin (Commanded Economy).
Kepribadian Indonesia (Indonesia's Identity)

The structure of Sukarno's guided democracy in 1962
On March 1960, Sukarno disbanded parliament and replaced it with a new parliament where half the members were appointed by the president (Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat – Gotong Rojong / DPR-GR). On September 1960, he established a Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (Madjelis Permusjawaratan Rakjat Sementara/MPRS) as the highest legislative authority according to the 1945 constitution. MPRS members consisted of members of DPR-GR and members of "functional groups" appointed by the president.

With the backing of the military, Sukarno disbanded the Islamic party Masyumi and Sutan Sjahrir's party PSI, accusing them of involvement with PRRI-Permesta affair. The military arrested and imprisoned many of Sukarno's political opponents, from socialist Sjahrir to Islamic politicians Mohammad Natsir and Hamka. Using martial law powers, the government closed-down newspapers who were critical of Sukarno's policies.[28]

During this period, there were several assassination attempts on Sukarno's life. On 9 March 1960, Daniel Maukar, an Indonesian airforce lieutenant who sympathised with the Permesta rebellion, strafed the Merdeka Palace and Bogor Palace with his MiG-17 fighter jet, attempting to kill the president; he was not injured. On May 1962, Darul Islam agents shot at the president during Eid al-Adha prayers on the grounds of the palace. Sukarno again escaped injury.

On the security front, the military started a series of effective campaigns which ended the long-festering Darul Islam rebellion in West Java (1962), Aceh (1962), and South Sulawesi (1965). Kartosuwirjo, the leader of Darul Islam, was captured and executed in September 1962.

To counterbalance the power of the military, Sukarno started to rely on the support of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI). In 1960, he declared his government to be based on Nasakom, a union of the three ideological strands present in Indonesian society: nasionalisme (nationalism), agama (religions), and komunisme (communism). Accordingly, Sukarno started admitting more communists into his government, while developing strong relationship with the PKI chairman Dipa Nusantara Aidit.

In order to increase Indonesia's prestige, Sukarno supported and won the bid for the 1962 Asian Games held in Jakarta. Many sporting facilities such as the Senayan sports complex (including the 100,000-seat Bung Karno Stadium) were built to accommodate the games. There was political tension when the Indonesians refused the entry of delegations from Israel and Taiwan. After the International Olympic Committee put sanctions on Indonesia due to this exclusion policy, Sukarno retaliated by organising a "non-imperialist" competitor event to the Olympic Games, called Games of New Emerging Forces (GANEFO). GANEFO was successfully held in Jakarta on November 1963, and was attended by 2,700 athletes from 51 countries.

As part of his prestige-building program, Sukarno ordered the construction of large monumental buildings such as National Monument (Monumen Nasional), Istiqlal Mosque, Jakarta, CONEFO Building (now the Parliament Building), Hotel Indonesia, and the Sarinah shopping centre to transform Jakarta from a former colonial backwater to a modern city. The modern Jakarta boulevards of Jalan Thamrin, Jalan Sudirman, and Jalan Gatot Subroto was planned and constructed under Sukarno.

Foreign policy[edit]
As Sukarno's domestic authority was secured, he began to pay more attention to the world stage. He embarked on a series of aggressive and assertive policies based on anti-imperialism to increase Indonesia's international prestige. These anti-imperialist and anti-Western policies, often employing brinkmanship with other nations, were also designed to unite the diverse and fractious Indonesian people. In this, he was aided by his Foreign Minister Subandrio.

After his first visit to Beijing in 1956, Sukarno began to strengthen his ties to the People's Republic of China and the communist bloc in general. He also began to accept increasing amounts of Soviet bloc military aid. By the early 1960s, the Soviet bloc provided more aid to Indonesia than to any other non-communist country, while Soviet military aid to Indonesia was equalled only by its aid to Cuba. This large influx of communist aid prompted an increase in military aid from the Dwight Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy Administrations, which worried about a leftward drift should Sukarno rely too much on Soviet bloc aid.[29]

Sukarno was feted during his visit to United States in 1956, where he addressed a joint session of United States Congress. Soon after his first visit to America, Sukarno visited the Soviet Union, where he received an even more lavish welcome. Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev paid a return visit to Jakarta and Bali in 1960, where he awarded Sukarno with the Lenin Peace Prize. To make amends for CIA involvement in the PRRI-Permesta rebellion, President Kennedy invited Sukarno to Washington DC and provided Indonesia with billions of dollars in civilian and military aid.[29]

To follow-up on the successful 1955 Bandung Conference, Sukarno attempted to forge a new alliance called the "New Emerging Forces" (NEFO), as a counter to the Western superpowers dubbed the "Old Established Forces" (OLDEFO), whom he accused of spreading "Neo-Colonialism and Imperialism" (NEKOLIM). In 1961, Sukarno established another political alliance, called the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM, in Indonesia known as Gerakan Non-Blok, GNB) with Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser, India's Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Yugoslavia's President Josip Broz Tito, and Ghana's President Kwame Nkrumah, in an action called The Initiative of Five (Sukarno, Nkrumah, Nasser, Tito, and Nehru). NAM was intended to provide political unity and influence for nations who wished to maintain independence from the American and Soviet superpower blocs, which were engaged in Cold War competition. Sukarno is still fondly remembered for his role in promoting the influence of newly independent countries. His name is used as streetnames in Cairo, Egypt and Rabat, Morocco, and as a major square in Peshawar, Pakistan. In 1956, the University of Belgrade awarded him an honorary doctorate.


Sukarno at Borobudur with Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his daughter Indira Gandhi during their visit to Indonesia

Sukarno and Fidel Castro in 1960, Havana, Cuba
In 1960 Sukarno began an aggressive foreign policy to secure Indonesian territorial claims. In August of that year, Sukarno broke off diplomatic relations with the Netherlands over the continuing failure to commence talks on the future of Netherlands New Guinea, as was agreed at the Dutch-Indonesian Round Table Conference of 1949. In April 1961 the Dutch announced the formation of a Nieuw Guinea Raad, with the intention of creating an independent Papuan state. Sukarno declared a state of military confrontation in his Tri Komando Rakjat (TRIKORA) speech in Yogyakarta, on 19 December 1961. He then directed military incursions into the half-island, which he referred to as West Irian. By end of 1962 3,000 Indonesian soldiers were present throughout West Irian/West Papua.

A naval battle erupted in January 1962 when four Indonesian torpedo boats were intercepted by Dutch ships and planes off the coast of Vlakke Hoek. One Indonesian boat was sunk, killing the Naval Deputy Chief-of-Staff Commodore Jos Sudarso. Meanwhile, the Kennedy Administration worried of a continuing Indonesian shift towards communism should the Dutch hold on to West Irian/West Papua. In February 1962 US Attorney General Robert Kennedy travelled to the Netherlands and informed the government that the United States would not support the Netherlands in an armed conflict with Indonesia. With Soviet armaments and advisors, Sukarno planned a large-scale air- and seaborne invasion of the Dutch military headquarters of Biak for August 1962, called Operasi Djajawidjaja. It was to be led by Major-General Suharto, the future President of Indonesia. Before these plans could be realised, Indonesia and Netherlands signed the New York Agreement in August 1962. The two countries agreed to implement the Bunker Plan (formulated by American diplomat Ellsworth Bunker), whereby the Dutch agreed to hand over West Irian/West Papua to UNTEA on 1 October 1962. UNTEA transferred the territory to Indonesian authority in May 1963.

File:Sukarno konfrontasi, indonesia's undeclared war, ABC 1966.webm
1966 ABC report discussing the Sukarno's political context for Konfrontasi
After securing control over West Irian/West Papua, Sukarno then opposed the British-supported establishment of the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, claiming that it was a neo-colonial plot by the British to undermine Indonesia. Despite Sukarno's political overtures, which found some support when leftist political elements in British Borneo territories Sarawak and Brunei opposed the Federation plan and aligned themselves with Sukarno, Malaysia was established in September 1963. This was followed by the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation (Konfrontasi), proclaimed by Sukarno in his Dwi Komando Rakjat (DWIKORA) speech in Jakarta on 3 May 1964. Sukarno's proclaimed objective was not, as some alleged, to annex Sabah and Sarawak into Indonesia, but to establish a "State of North Kalimantan" under the control of North Kalimantan Communist Party. From 1964 until early 1966, a limited number of Indonesian soldiers, civilians, and Malaysian communist guerillas were sent into North Borneo and the Malay Peninsula. These forces fought with British and Commonwealth soldiers deployed to protect the nascent state of Malaysia. Indonesian agents also exploded several bombs in Singapore. Domestically, Sukarno fomented anti-British sentiment and the British Embassy was burned down. In 1964, all British companies operating in the country, including Indonesian operations of the Chartered Bank and Unilever, were nationalized.

In 1964 Sukarno commenced an anti-American campaign, which was motivated by his shift towards the communist bloc and less friendly relations with the Lyndon Johnson Administration. American interests and businesses in Indonesia were denounced by government officials and attacked by PKI-led mobs. American movies were banned, American books and Beatles albums were burned, and the Indonesian band Koes Plus was jailed for playing American-style rock and roll music. As a result, US aid to Indonesia was halted, to which Sukarno made his famous remark, "Go to hell with your aid". Sukarno withdrew Indonesia from the United Nations on 7 January 1965 when, with US backing, Malaysia took a seat on UN Security Council.

As the NAM countries were becoming split into different factions, and as fewer countries were willing to support his anti-Western foreign policies, Sukarno began to abandon his non-alignment rhetoric. Sukarno formed a new alliance with China, North Korea, North Vietnam, and Cambodia which he called the "Beijing-Pyongyang-Hanoi-Phnom Penh-Jakarta Axis". After withdrawing Indonesia from the "imperialist-dominated" United Nations in January 1965, Sukarno sought to establish a competitor organization to the UN called the Conference of New Emerging Forces (CONEFO) with support from China, who at that time was not yet a member of United Nations.[citation needed] With the government heavily indebted to the Soviet Union, Indonesia became increasingly dependent on China for support.[30] Sukarno spoke increasingly of a Beijing-Jakarta axis,[30] which would be the core of a new anti-imperialist world organization, the CONEFO.[citation needed]

Domestic tensions[edit]
Domestically, Sukarno continued to consolidate his control. He was made president for life by the MPRS in 1963. His ideological writings on Manipol-USDEK and NASAKOM became mandatory subjects in Indonesian schools and universities, while his speeches were to be memorized and discussed by all students. All newspapers, the only radio station (RRI), and the only television station (TVRI) were made into "tools of the revolution" and functioned to spread Sukarno's messages. Sukarno developed a personality cult, with the capital of newly acquired West Irian renamed to Sukarnapura and the highest peak in the country was renamed from Carstensz Pyramid to Puntjak Sukarno (Sukarno Peak).

Despite these appearances of unchallenged control, Sukarno's guided democracy stood on fragile grounds due to the inherent conflict between its two underlying support pillars, the military and the communists. The military, nationalists, and the Islamic groups were shocked by the rapid growth of the communist party under Sukarno's protection. They feared immanent establishment of communist state in Indonesia. By 1965, the PKI had 3 million members, and were particularly strong in Central Java and Bali. PKI has become the strongest party in Indonesia.

The military and nationalists were growing wary of Sukarno's close alliance with communist China, which they thought compromised Indonesia's sovereignty. Elements of the military disagreed with Sukarno's policy of confrontation with Malaysia, which in their view only benefited communists, and sent several officers (including future Armed Forces Chief Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani) to spread secret peace-feelers to the Malaysian government. The Islamic clerics, who were mostly landowners, felt threatened by PKI's land confiscation actions (aksi sepihak) in the countryside and by the communist campaign against the "seven village devils", a term used for landlords or better-off farmers (similar to the anti-kulak campaign in Stalinist era). Both groups harbored deep disdain for PKI in particular due to memories of the bloody 1948 communist rebellion.

As the mediator of the three groups under the NASAKOM system, Sukarno displayed greater sympathies to the communists. The PKI has been very careful to support all of Sukarno's policies. Meanwhile, Sukarno saw the PKI as the best-organised and ideologically-solid party in Indonesia, and a useful conduit to gain more military and financial aid from Communist Bloc countries. Sukarno also sympathised with the communists' revolutionary ideals, which is similar to his own.

To weaken the influence of the military, Sukarno rescinded martial law (which gave wide-ranging powers to the military) in 1963. On September 1962, he "promoted" the powerful General Nasution to the less-influential position of Armed Forces Chief, while the influential position of Army Chief was given to Sukarno's loyalist Ahmad Yani. Meanwhile, the position of Air Force Chief was given to Omar Dhani, who was an open communist sympathiser. On May 1964, Sukarno banned activities of Manifesto Kebudajaan (Manikebu), an association of artists and writers which included prominent Indonesian writers such as Hans Bague Jassin and Wiratmo Soekito, who were also dismissed from their jobs. Manikebu was considered a rival by the communist writer's association Lembaga Kebudajaan Rakjat (Lekra), led by Pramoedya Ananta Toer. On December 1964, Sukarno disbanded the Badan Pendukung Soekarnoisme (BPS), the "Association for Promoting Sukarnoism", an organisation that seek to oppose communism by invoking Sukarno's own Pancasila formulation. On January 1965, Sukarno, under pressure from PKI, banned the Murba Party. Murba was a Trotskyite party whose ideology was antagonistic to PKI's orthodox line of Marxism.[31]

Tensions between the military and communists increased on April 1965, when PKI chairman Aidit called for the formation of a "fifth armed force" consisting of armed peasants and labor. Sukarno approved this idea and publicly called for the immediate formation of such a force on 17 May 1965. However, this idea was rejected by Army Chief Ahmad Yani and Defence Minister Nasution, as this was tantamount to allowing the PKI to establish its own armed forces. Soon after this rejection, on 29 May, the "Gilchrist Letter" appeared. The letter was supposedly written by the British ambassador Andrew Gilchrist to the Foreign Office in London, mentioning a joint American and British attempt on subversion in Indonesia with the help of "local army friends". This letter, produced by Subandrio, aroused Sukarno's fear of a military plot to overthrow him, a fear which he mentioned repeatedly during the next few months. The Czechoslovakian agent Ladislav Bittman who defected in 1968 claimed that his agency (StB) forged the letter on request from PKI via Soviet Union, to smear anti-communist generals. On his independence day speech of 17 August 1965, Sukarno declared his intention to commit Indonesia to an anti-imperialist alliance with China and other communist regimes, and warned the Army not to interfere. He also stated his support for the establishment of "fifth force" of armed peasants and labor.[32]

While Sukarno devoted his energy for domestic and international politics, the economy of Indonesia was neglected and deteriorated rapidly. The government printed money to finance its military expenditures, resulting in hyperinflation exceeding 600% per annum in 1964–1965. Smuggling and collapse of export plantation sectors deprived the government of much-needed foreign exchange income. Consequently, the government was unable to service massive foreign debts it accumulated from both Western and Communist bloc countries. Most of the government budget was spent on the military, resulting in deterioration of infrastructure such as roads, railways, ports, and other public facilities. Deteriorating transportation infrastructure and poor harvests caused food shortages in many places. The small industrial sector languished and only produced at 20% capacity due to lack of investment.

Sukarno himself was contemptuous to macroeconomics, and was unable and unwilling to provide practical solutions to the poor economic condition of the country. Instead, Sukarno produced more ideological conceptions such as Trisakti: political sovereignty, economic self-sufficiency, and cultural independence. He advocated Indonesians to be "standing on their own feet" (berdikari) and reach economic self-sufficiency, free from foreign influence.[33]

Towards the end of his rule, Sukarno's lack of interest in economics created a distance between himself and the Indonesian people, who were suffering economically.[34] His face had become bloated by disease and his flamboyance and sexual conquests – which had once endeared him to the people – caused public criticism and turned support towards the army.

Removal from power and death[edit]

Sukarno
Main article: Transition to the New Order
On the dawn of 1 October 1965, six of Indonesia's most senior army generals were kidnapped and killed by a movement calling themselves the "30 September Movement" (G30S). Among those killed was Ahmad Yani, while Nasution narrowly escaped, but the movement kidnapped First Lieutenant Pierre Tendean, his military aide; presumably mistaking him for General Nasution in the darkness. The G30S Movement consisted of members of the Presidential Guards, Brawidjaja Division, and Diponegoro Division, under the command of a Lieutenant-Colonel Untung bin Sjamsuri, a known communist sympathiser who participated in the 1948 PKI rebellion. The movement took control of the radio station and the Merdeka Square. They broadcast a statement declaring the kidnappings were meant to protect Sukarno from a coup attempt by CIA-influenced generals. Later, it broadcast news of the disbandment of Sukarno's cabinet, to be replaced by a "Revolutionary Council". In Central Java, soldiers associated with the Movement also seized control of Yogyakarta and Solo on 1–2 October, killing two colonels in the process.

Major General Suharto, commander of the Army's strategic reserve command, took control of the army the following morning.[35] Suharto ordered troops to take over the radio station of Radio Republik Indonesia and Merdeka Square itself. On the afternoon of that day, Suharto issued an ultimatum to the Halim Air Force Base, where the G30S had based themselves and where Sukarno (the reasons for his presence are unclear and were subject of claim and counter-claim), Air Marshal Omar Dhani, and PKI chairman Aidit had gathered. By the following day, it was clear that the incompetently organised and poorly coordinated coup had failed. Sukarno took up residence in the Bogor Palace, while Omar Dhani fled to Cambodia and Aidit to Central Java.[36] By 2 October, Suharto's soldiers occupied Halim Air Force Base, after a short gunfight. Sukarno's obedience to Suharto's 1 October ultimatum to leave Halim is seen as changing all power relationships.[37] Sukarno's fragile balance of power between the military, political Islam, communists, and nationalists that underlay his "Guided Democracy" was now collapsing.[36] On 3 October, the corpses of the kidnapped generals were discovered near the Halim Air Force Base, and on 5 October they were buried in a public ceremony led by Suharto.

In early October 1965, a military propaganda campaign began to sweep the country, successfully convincing both Indonesian and international audiences that it was a Communist coup, and that the murders were cowardly atrocities against Indonesian heroes since those who were shot were veteran military officers.[38] The PKI's denials of involvement had little effect.[39] Following the discovery and public burial of the generals' corpses on 5 October, the army along with Islamic organisations Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama, led a campaign to purge Indonesian society, government and armed forces of the communist party and other leftist organisations. Leading PKI members were immediately arrested, some summarily executed. Aidit was captured and killed in November 1965.[38] The purge spread across the country with the worst massacres in Java and Bali.[39] In some areas the army organised civilian groups and local militias, in other areas communal vigilante action preceded the army.[40] The most widely accepted estimates are that at least half a million were killed.[41] It is thought that as many as 1.5 million were imprisoned at one stage or another.[42]

As a result of the purge, one of Sukarno's three pillars of support, the Indonesian Communist Party, had been effectively eliminated by the other two, the military and political Islam. The killings and the failure of his tenuous "revolution" distressed Sukarno and he tried unsuccessfully to protect the PKI by referring to the generals' killings as a rimpeltje in de oceaan ("ripple in the sea of the revolution"). He tried to maintain his influence appealing in a January 1966 broadcast for the country to follow him. Subandrio sought to create a Sukarnoist column (Barisan Sukarno), which was undermined by Suharto's pledge of loyalty to Sukarno and the concurrent instruction for all those loyal to Sukarno to announce their support for the army.[43]

On 1 October 1965, Sukarno appointed General Pranoto Reksosamudro as Army Chief to replace the dead Ahmad Yani, but he was forced to give this position to Suharto two weeks later. In February 1966, Sukarno reshuffled his cabinet, sacking Nasution as Defence Minister and abolishing his position of armed forces chief of staff, but Nasution refused to step down. Beginning in January 1966, university students started demonstrating against Sukarno, demanding the disbandment of PKI and for the government to control spiraling inflation. On February 1966, student demonstrators in front of Merdeka Palace were shot at by Presidential Guards, killing the student Arief Rachman Hakim, who was quickly turned into a martyr by student demonstrators.

A meeting of Sukarno's full cabinet was held at the Merdeka Palace on 11 March 1966. As students were demonstrating against the administration, unidentified troops began to assemble outside. Sukarno, Subandrio and another minister immediately left the meeting and went to the Bogor Palace by helicopter. Three pro-Suharto generals (Basuki Rahmat, Amirmachmud, and Mohammad Jusuf) were dispatched to the Bogor palace and they met with Sukarno who signed for them a Presidential Order known as Supersemar. Through the order, Sukarno assigned Suharto to "take all measures considered necessary to guarantee security, calm and stability of the government and the revolution and to guarantee the personal safety and authority [of Sukarno]". The authorship of the document, and whether Sukarno was forced to sign, perhaps even at gunpoint, is a point of historic debate. The effect of the order, however, was the transfer of authority to Suharto. After obtaining the Presidential Order, Suharto had the PKI declared illegal and the party was abolished. He also arrested many high-ranking officials that were loyal to Sukarno on the charge of being PKI members and/or sympathizers, further reducing Sukarno's political power and influence.

The MPRS, now purged from communist and pro-Sukarno elements, began proceedings to impeach Sukarno on the grounds of the following:

Toleration 30 September Movement and violation of the constitution by supporting PKI's international communist agenda
Negligence of the economy
Promotion of national "moral degradation" by Sukarno's blatant womanising behaviour.[44]
File:Indonesian president sukarno responds to political tensions, ABC 1967.webm
April 1967 ABC report of the political tensions at end of the Sukarno era
On 22 June 1966, Sukarno made the Nawaksara speech in front of the MPRS session, an unsuccessful last-ditch attempt to defend himself and his guided democracy system. On August 1966, over Sukarno's objections, Indonesia ended its confrontation with Malaysia and rejoined the United Nations. After making another unsuccessful accountability speech (Nawaksara Addendum) on 10 January 1967, Sukarno was stripped of his presidential title by MPRS on 12 March 1967, in a session chaired by his former ally, Nasution. He was put under house arrest in Bogor Palace, where his health deteriorated due to denial of adequate medical care. He died of kidney failure in Jakarta Army Hospital on 21 June 1970 at age 69. He was buried in Blitar, East Java, Indonesia. In recent decades, his grave has been a significant venue in the network of places that Javanese visit on ziarah and for some is of equal significance to those of the Wali Songo.[citation needed]

A semi-official version of the events of 1965–1966 claims that the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) chairman Aidit organised the murders of the six generals, using communist sympathisers within the military, to secure PKI's position in case of feared incapacitation of Sukarno, who suffered a mild stroke on 4 August 1965. Others believe that Sukarno and PKI cooperated to kidnap and murder the generals, to forestall a potential Western-backed coup as mentioned in the Gilchrist Document, a view based on Sukarno being in close contact with Aidit and the conspirators in Halim Air Force Base during 1 October. It is believed that upon taking power, the Suharto government deliberately covered-up Sukarno's involvement and sought to solely blame the PKI out of respect of his past services to bring independence to the country, and to protect the integrity of the nation's historic narrative. After the fall of Suharto in 1998, some of his opponents theorise that Suharto orchestrated the assassinations to remove potential rivals for the presidency.[45]

Family[edit]

Fatmawati and five of her children with Sukarno, including Megawati (far right) and Guruh (center)
Sukarno is of Javanese and Balinese descent. Sukarno married Siti Oetari in 1920, and divorced her in 1923 to marry Inggit Garnasih, whom he divorced c. 1943 to marry Fatmawati.[46] Sukarno also married Hartini in 1954, after which he and Fatmawati separated without divorcing. In 1959, he was introduced to the then 19-year old Japanese hostess Naoko Nemoto, whom he married in 1962 and renamed Ratna Dewi Sukarno.[47] Sukarno also married five other spouses: Haryati (1963–1966); Kartini Manoppo (1959–1968); Yurike Sanger (1964–1968); Heldy Djafar (1966–1969).


Megawati Sukarnoputri, who served as the fifth president of Indonesia, is his daughter by his wife Fatmawati. Her younger brother Guruh Sukarnoputra (born 1953) has inherited Sukarno's artistic bent and is a choreographer and songwriter, who made a movie Untukmu, Indonesiaku (For You, My Indonesia) about Indonesian culture. He is also a member of the Indonesian People's Representative Council for Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle. His siblings Guntur Sukarnoputra, Rachmawati Sukarnoputri and Sukmawati Sukarnoputri have all been active in politics. Sukarno had a daughter named Kartika by Dewi Sukarno.[48] In 2006 Kartika Sukarno married Frits Seegers, the Netherlands-born chief executive officer of the Barclays Global Retail and Commercial Bank.[49] Other offspring include Taufan and Bayu by his wife Hartini, and a son named Toto Suryawan Soekarnoputra (born 1967, in Germany), by his wife Kartini Manoppo. (Continoe)