Unfinished journey (34)

Tanjung Priok Masacre 1984

Unfinished journey (34)

(Part thirty-four. Depok, West Java, Indonesia, September 4, 2014, 3:24 pm)

One of the interesting task is to cover field of defense and security, especially when assigned to attend the Regional Commander V Jakarta Raya General Try Sutrisno were traveling from one mosque to another mosque in Jakarta, which in 1984 made the former Vice President of Indonesia was to dampen Muslims angry and suspicious the Suharto government that has been accused of slaughtering Muslims in Tanjung Priok (known events Tanjung Priok riots),

When as a child soldier Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) I live in the dormitory Kobekdam V Jaya, Small Cililitan (PGC Behind Cililitan) adjacent to Sri Yanto former commander of the Special Forces (Kopassus) Major General Sriyanto that when the Tanjung Priok incident still held the rank of captain and district military commander in Tanjung Priok. No wonder at the human rights court case of Tanjung Priok Sriyanto also be tried, and then acquitted by the court, because it is not proven to slaughter the citizens participate.

Sriyanto wife also happened to be my neighbor, and with his brother Colonel Chaerul Pasha is  my colleagues in adolescence. I met Pasha last Chaerul in Ambon in 2004 served as Chief of the Army Military Command Cooperative Pattimura, Ambon, when I served as a communications specialist Peace after the riots in the Moluccas.

I still remember well a military truck driver who lived next door to me told me that he had just lifted the body (bodies) Tanjung Priok victims, he himself does not want to tell you just where the bodies were taken Tanjung Priok.

Tanjung Priok incident when it gets hot, let alone issue a massacre of Christians against Muslims, because it happened to be the Commander of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia when it was occupied by General LBMoerdhani (Catholic Christian).

Major Gen Sriyanto

Tanjung Priok massacre

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Tanjung Priok massacre

Date 12 September 1984

Location    Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta, Indonesia

Methods    Shooting

Result        See Aftermath

Parties to the civil conflict

Indonesian military

Muslim residents of Tanjung Priok

Lead figures

Try Sutrisno

Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani

Amir Biki

Number

Unknown

>1,000

Casualties

None

24 killed and 54 injured (official)

>100 killed or injured (estimates)

The Tanjung Priok massacre was an incident that occurred in the port area of Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta, Indonesia in 1984. Government reports give a total of 24 killed and 54 injured, while survivors report over a hundred killed.

Background[edit]

On 10 September 1984, Sergeant Hermanus, a Christian member of the Village Guidance Squad (Bintara Pembina Desa) arrived at As Saadah Mosque in Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta, and told the caretaker, Amir Biki, to remove brochures and banners critical of the government.[1] Biki refused this demand, upon which point Hermanus removed them himself; to do so, he reportedly entered the prayer area of the mosque without removing his shoes (a serious violation of mosque etiquette).[1][2] In response, local residents, led by mosque caretakers Syarifuddin Rambe and Sofwan Sulaeman, burned his motorcycle and attacked Hermanus while he was talking with another officer.[1][2] The two then arrested Rambe and Sulaeman, as well as another caretaker, Achmad Sahi, and an unemployed man named Muhamad Noor.[1][2][3]

Incident[edit]

Two days after the arrest, Islamic cleric Abdul Qodir Jaelani gave a sermon against Pancasila at As Saadah mosque.[2] Afterwards, Biki led a protest to the District Military Command office for North Jakarta, where the four prisoners were being held.[1][2] Along the way, the group's numbers swelled, with estimates ranging between 1,500 and several thousand.[1][2] Also during the trip, nine members of a Muslim Chinese Indonesian family headed by Tan Kioe Liem were killed by the protestors.[4][5] The family's store, a pharmacy, was burned to the ground.[5]

Once at the military command, the group unsuccessfully demanded the release of the prisoners.[1] At roughly 11 p.m. local time (UTC+7), the protestors surrounded the military command.[2] Military personnel from the 6th Air Defence Artillery Battalion opened fire on the protestors.[1][6] Around midnight, eyewitnesses saw military commander of Jakarta Try Sutrisno and Chief of the Armed Forces Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani supervising the removal of the victims; the corpses were loaded into military trucks and buried in unmarked graves, while the wounded were sent to Gatot Soebroto Military Hospital.[7]

Try Soetrisno and LB Moerdhani

Aftermath[edit]

After the riots, the military reported that they had been triggered by a man in a fake military uniform who distributed anti-government pamphlets along with 12 other accomplices; it reported having the man in custody.[8] General Hartono Rekso Dharsono was arrested for allegedly inciting the riots.[9] After a four-month trial, he was convicted; he was eventually released in September 1990, after serving five-years jail time.[9]

After the riots, at least 169 civilians were allegedly held without warrant.[10] Some were reportedly tortured.[10] The leaders were arrested and tried for subversion, then given long sentences when convicted.[2] Others, including as Amir Biki, were among those killed.[7]

Initial reports suggested 20 dead.[8] Current official records give a total of 24 killed and 54 injured (including the survivors), while survivors report over a hundred killed.[11] Tanjung Priok residents estimate a total of 400 killed or missing, while other reports suggest up to 700 victims.[7][6]

Investigation[edit]

With the influx of human rights movements after the fall of Suharto in 1998, several groups were created to advocate for the rights of the victims, including the 12 September 1984 Foundation, the National Solidarity for the 1984 Tanjung Priok Incident (Solidaritas Nastional untuk Peristiwa Tanjung Priok 1984), and the Extended Family for Victims of the Tanjung Priok Incident (Keluarga Besar Korban Peristiwa Tanjung Priok; founded by Biki's widow Dewi Wardah and son Beni).[7] These groups pushed for the People's Representative Council (DPR) and National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) to further investigate the massacre; inside the DPR, representatives A.W. Fatwa and Abdul Qodir Jaelani, both previously arrested after the massacre, pressed for further investigation.[12] In 1999, Komnas HAM agreed to investigate the incident, forming the Commission for the Investigation and Examination of Human Rights Violations in Tanjung Priok (KP3T).[12]

Try Soetrisno

The KP3T consisted mainly of political figures from the previous regime, including former prosecutor general Djoko Sugianto.[13] The resulting report, released in early June 2000, found that there had been no systematic massacre in the incident.[13] This was not well received by the general public. On 23 June 2000, approximately 300 members of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) attacked the headquarters of Komnas HAM while dressed in white Islamic clothing and green scarves.[4] They broke windows with stones and rattan sticks, outnumbering and overwhelming the security forces.[4] The FPI was upset at the commission's report on the massacre and perceived collusion with the military, arguing that it had ignored actions by the military; it insisted that the commission be abolished.[4] Meanwhile, Minister of Law and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra wrote that Komnas HAM had seemingly applied double standards when investigating the issue; he said that they seemed more reluctant to investigate the Tanjung Priok incident then they had been in investigating the 1999 East Timorese crisis.[13] Crescent Star Party leader Ahmad Sumargono called the verdict a disappointment to Muslims everywhere.[13]

In October 2000, Komnas HAM released another report indicating that 23 individuals, including Sutrisno and Moerdani, should be investigated for their involvement; it called for an ad hoc tribunal to look into the matter further.[13] With President Abdurrahman Wahid calling for further investigation and the impending tribunal, several military officials made contracts of forgiveness (islah) with victims' families; although the islah did not contain admissions of guilt, it did provide for victims to receive a lump sum of Rp. 1.5-2 million (US$ 200-250).[14] The first islah covered 86 families, as represented by Rambe, while the second covered Biki's family; by 1 March 2001 a number of islah had been made.[14] As a result of the islah, several victims or their families, suggested to investigator M.A. Rachman that charges be dropped.[15] However, investigation continued, wrapping up in July 2003.[16]

Under international pressure, in 2003 the DPR approved the use of the 2000 human rights law to bring perpetrators of the massacre to trial for crimes against humanity;[11][17] the trial began in September of that year.[16] Those brought to trial included Colonel Sutrisno Mascung, leader of Platoon II of the Air Defense Artillery Battalion at the time, and 13 subordinates.[17] Higher-ranking officials from the time, including military commander of Jakarta Try Sutrisno and Chief of the Armed Forces Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani, were exempted from prosecution, as were former President Suharto and former Minister of Justice Ismail Saleh.[17][18] The prosecution was led by Widodo Supriyadi, and Deputy Speaker of the DPR A.M. Fatwa served as a witness for the prosecution.[10][19] Several officers prosecuted were convicted, while Sriyanto and Pranowo were acquitted.[2] In 2004 the Prosecutor General's office filed an appeal against the acquittals of Sriyanto and Pranowo, but were refused.[11] The convictions were later overturned by the Supreme Court of Indonesia.[2]

After the trial it came under fire from human rights groups; German author Fabian Junge argued that "prosecutors deliberately ignored substantial evidence while scare-tactics and bribery were rampant outside court".[11] Approaching the 25th anniversary of the massacre, the victims, aided by the Human Rights Working Group and the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, sent a letter to UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers Gabriela Carina Knaul de Albuquerque e Silva imploring her to intervene in the case;[6] the survivors have also requested compensation in the amount of Rp1.015 billion (US$130,000) from the government for their "pain and loss".[16][3] Although victims and their representatives have asked President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to further investigate the issue, as of 2011 the case has not come to closure.[16]

[COMPLETE CHRONOLOGY] Tanjung Priok tragedy 1984: Massacre of Muslims By ABRI

Posted on May 30, 2014 by spedaonthel

Suharto history digging for the truth header

Tanjung Priok tragedy 1984: Massacre of Muslims By ABRI

Events of human tragedy in Tanjung Priok in mid-1984, is one of the many series of trace and the fact kelamnya Suharto era. One period of bloody military regime from the beginning of his reign until the end of the dictatorship.

Military set up to sustain his power and is always ready to perform its role as a force undermining the country to deal with any ideology, including the ideology of recognized religions in Indonesia.

Full power is owned military then widened to include the destruction of any form of political opposition movement. The function of military power to take action to maintain security and stability of the country is considered as a form of legitimacy to be able to perform various forms of provocative actions tersistematif and repressive. They use the excuse that unilateral justification as a security measure against authority, although the conduct of human rights violations toughest.

Tanjung Priok bloody events of 1984, is an event that has been carefully prepared beforehand by military spies. Army was menskenario and manipulate the Tanjung Priok massacre case.

It is part of a military operation that aims to categorize Islamic activities as a crime, and the perpetrators targeted the victim.

The election of the Cape as a place as "The Killing Feld" is also not without careful survey and analysis of intelligence. Socio-economic conditions of Tanjung Priok is the basis of consideration. Tanjung Priok is one of the strong Islamic base area, premises crowded conditions and slum settlements.

Tg Priok tragedy 04Musholla As-Sa'adah 1984-tg-Priok tragedy-1984Mayoritas population live in homes made ​​of simple second-hand and most of the inhabitants work as a shipyard worker, and handyman.

With low socioeconomic conditions coupled with such a minimal education, making Tanjung Priok area easily influenced by the shock from the outside, so it's easy once ignited various issues.

Hot atmosphere in Tanjung Priok had felt a month before it happened.

-upaya Provocative mass fishing effort have been carried out. Among them, building a monument Bioskup often play movies immoral degan standing just opposite the mosque of Al-Hidayah.

Islamic leaders alleged that the heat it was deliberately engineered by certain people in the government are hostile to Islam. Atmosphere engineering is particularly felt by scholars outside Tanjung Priok.

Because, in other areas in the city of Jakarta strict censorship occurred against the preachers, why in Tanjung Priok Islam as the basis of the free mubalighnya once to speak, even criticize the government and oppose the sole principle of Pancasila. Senior figures such as M Natsir and Syarifudin Prawiranegara actually has banned scholars to come to Tanjung Priok so as not to fall into the trap, but the call was apparently not heard by scholars Tanjung Priok.

Origins events, bloody Tanjung Priok incident triggered by provocative action soldiers

In mid-1984, there was a rumor about a bill that requires the acceptance of the social organization of a single principle. This has led to far-reaching implications. Among the visitors of the mosque in this area, there is a well-known preacher, delivered a lecture on jama'ahnya to make this issue as a topic pembicarannya, because the Bill TSB has long been a controversial issue.

As-Sa'adah Musholla Tg PriokPada dated 7 September 1984, a Catholic religious Babinsa Harmanu first sergeant came to a small mosque called "As-Sa'adah Mosque" and ordered to revoke pamphlet containing the text problems faced the Muslims at that time , and accompanied by announcements about upcoming events recitation.

No wonder then if people there angry behavior Babinsa see it. the next day it comes again Babinsa and colleagues, to check whether the command was run anything yet. Upon arrival both emerging issue stating that, if the military had insulted the honor of the holy places for entering the mosque without menyopot shoes, and watered the flyers in the mosque with sewage.

chronology of Massacre

Chronology Massacre Muslims By Bala Army on Bloody Tragedy Tanjung Priok 1984 by Eye Witness Feat. Abdul Qadir Djaelani, one of the scholars who were accused by the authorities as one of the masterminds Tanjung Priok incident.

Therefore, he was arrested and put in jail. As a scholar and public figure Tanjung Priok, he knows more or less chronological Tanjung Priok.

Here are excerpts of the testimony of Abdul Qadir Djaelani the Tanjung Priok case 12 September 1984, which is written in defense exception entitled "The enemies of Islam Did Attack on Indonesian Muslims".

Saturday, September 8, 1984

Two officers Koramil (Babinsa) without opening the shoes, entered the prayer room in the alley as-Sa'adah IV Koja, Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta. They flush announcement plastered on the wall mosque with sewer water (sewage). The announcement was just a teenager recitation invitation Islam (mosques) in Jalan Sindang.

Sunday, 9 September 1984

The events on Saturday (8 September 1984) in the as-Sa'adah mosque became the talk of society without any effort from the authorities to offer to the congregation of the Muslims penyelesaan.

Monday, September 10, 1984

Several members of the mosque congregation as-Sa'adah ran into one of the officers Koramil littering their mosque. An argument erupted that eventually dilerai mouth by two people from the Baitul Makmur Mosque congregation who happened to pass by the Syarifuddin Rmbe and Sofyan Solomon takmir two mosques "Baitul Makmur" adjacent to the Mosque of As-Sa'adah, trying to calm the situation by referring to two soldiers enter into sekretarit takmir mosque to discuss issues that are warm.

When they were talking in front of the office, the mass outside was collected. Both administrators takmir mosque was suggested earlier that the problem for both the army and is considered finished just quits. But they reject the suggestion. Masses outside was starting to lose his patience.

While efforts are underway penegahan, people who are not responsible and has nothing to do with the problem suddenly pulling one's motorcycle turned out to be a marine soldier and burn. At that time also Syarifuddin Rambe and Sofyan Solomon and two others were arrested by security forces.

Also arrested was also Ahmad Sahi, Executive As-Sa'adah mosque and one other person who was present at the scene, then the motor burning Nur Mohammad was arrested as well. As a result of the detention of four people had become unstoppable mass anger again, which then led to demands for the release of four men who were arrested earlier.

District Military Command, requested assistance by Koramil, sent an army and immediately make arrests. Come caught 4 worshipers, of whom including the Chairman of the mosque as-Sa'adah.

Tuesday, September 11, 1984

On September 11, 1984, Mass who still harbored anger it comes to one of the area's character named Amir Biki, because this figure is known close to the officers in Jakarta. It means that he would intervene to help free the prisoners. Amir Biki've often resolve problems that arise with the military.

Amir Biki contact the authorities to request the release of four people arrested by the District Military Command congregation, which he believes is innocent. Amir Biki role need not be surprising, because as one of the leaders of post 66, he was the one who believed all concerned parties to arbitrate if there is a problem between the rulers (military) and society. Amir Biki effort to demand justice and it did not work in vain.

Wednesday, September 12, 1984

In an atmosphere of such challenges, the show teen recitation Islam in Road Sindang Kingdom, which had been planned long before the events as-Sa'adah mosque, also continued. The lecturer does not include Amir Biki, who did not preachers and does not ever want to go up the pulpit.

However, against the backdrop of a series of events in the previous days, recitation congregation urged him to go up the pulpit and give instructions. On the occasion of the speech, Amir Biki said among other things,

"Let us prove-Islamic solidarity. We ask our friends who were detained in the District Military Command. They are innocent. We protest job elements ABRI's irresponsible. We reserve the right to defend the truth even though we bear the risk. If they are not exempt then we must protest. "

Front of large crowds, Amir biki speak loudly, the contents mengultimatum to release prisoners later than 23:00 pm that night. If not, they will mobilize the masses to do the demonstration.

Furthermore, Amir Biki said, "We should not ruin anything! If there is damage in the middle of the trip, meaning it is not our group (which is not of our congregation). "

When the lecture was over, berkumpulah about 1,500 demonstrators were moving towards the local police station and Kormil. At the time of departing pilgrims recitation divided in two: part towards the police station and partly to the District Military Command.

As-Sa'adah Musholla Tg Priok (circa 2000)

As-Sa'adah Musholla Tg Priok (circa 2010)

The group Toward Police

After arriving in front of the police station, about 200 meters away kia, there has been intercepted by the Armed forces in the war clad posse position with automatic weapons in hand. Demonstrators face to face with an army ready for battle.

By the time the troops started blocking main streets, suddenly the demonstrators was surrounded from all directions. When the masses are not violent, they are mostly just sitting around mengumandankan takbir.

Arriving pilgrims recitation to that place, the military heard shouting, "Backward-retreat!" Shout "retreat-retreat" was welcomed by the congregation yelled, "Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar! "

When the army retreated two steps, without prior warning there came the sound of gunfire, followed by troops directly pointing the gun towards the protesters, then spewing automatic weapons targeting pilgrims recitation which was in front of them, for approximately thirty minutes!

Jamaat recitation then lying while screaming, covered in blood fell. Hundreds of Muslims fell into a martyr! While the demonstrators were injured trying to get up to save themselves, at the same time they mowed arms again.

In fact, there are military members who shouted, "Bastards! Bullet discharged. These dogs are still a lot! "More cruel again, they are not dead yet kicked-kick and if still moving then shot another to death.

Not long ago came a convoy of military trucks from the port of crashing and menelindas protesters who were crouching on the road. He's a big-wheeled truck cars in ten high-speed full force. From the top of a large truck that spewed out of bullets and automatic weapons to target the pilgrims who were crouching and hiding in the city's sidewalks.

Even more terrifying, a large truck had run over the recitation of pilgrims who were lying down on the highway, ran over those who have not been shot or shot, but have not had time to get out of the road traversed by the truck.

The screams and the sound of broken bones and crushed cars run over by a big truck sounds obvious Muslim pilgrims who lies down in the gutters / ditches on the side of the road.

From the top of a truck soldier still blindly firing at the demonstrators. In an instant the streets filled with human bodies that have been dead covered in blood. Some victims were not so badly injured trying to flee to places of refuge around the scene.

Tg Priok tragedy that 02Setelah 1984, large trucks were stopped and came down militaries were to take the corpses were lying and threw it into the truck like throwing a burlap sack.

Two big truck full of dead bodies or people who were shot were arranged like a burlap sack. While the soldiers carrying the dead victims and injured to the military truck, still relentless sound of gunfire.

All the victims were taken to the army hospital in Jakarta, while the hospitals are strictly prohibited receive other shooting victims Tanjung Priok.

After a large truck filled with corpses of pilgrims recitation was gone, not long after came the ambulances and fire trucks were on duty flush and cleanse the blood-the blood on the highway and on the sides, until clean.

The group Toward District Military Command

Meanwhile, a group of pilgrims headed recitation District Military Command led by Amir Biki. Approximately 15 meters from the office of District Military Command, congregational recitation intercepted by the military not to go on, and which may go on only 3 leaders of the congregation's recitation, of which Amir Biki.

So the distance is approximately 7 meters of office District Military Command, 3 recitation congregation leaders were bombarded with bullets coming out of the military automatic weapons confronting. All three leaders of the congregation fell down floundered.

Seeing the incident, the recitation of pilgrims waiting in the back while sitting, standing panicked and they want to run away, but was greeted by a bullet shot automatically. Dozens of worshipers recitation fell down into a martyr.

Tg Priok tragedy in 1984

Occupant auto parts store who are victims in Jampea Road, Tanjung Priok after riots Tanjung Priok, Jakarta, 1984 [TEMPO / Inspiration Sunharjo; 35B / 115/84; 20000621]

witnesses

According to one of the main memory of a witness who has not been named Conan died, when he and the bodies were thrown into a military truck 10 wheeler that roughly 30-40 corpse was in it, which is then taken to the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital (formerly Army Hospital ).

Arriving at the hospital, the bodies were immediately taken to the morgue, including the brother of Conan. In circumstances in piles with the bodies in the morgue, Conan brother screaming for help. EMTs came and lifted Conan brother to be moved to another place.

Actually the massacre of worshipers in Tanjung Priok recitation does not occur if PanglimaABRI / Commander General LB Murdani Kopkamtib really want to try to prevent it, especially Kopkamtib parties who have often boasted to the media that it is capable of detecting an event as early and as early as possible.

This happens because on September 11, 1984, when I was examined by the Jakarta Metropolitan Police, I had a conversation with Colonel Ritonga Police, the Police Chief of Intel where he stated that the recitation in Tanjung Priok pilgrims demanded the release of four colleagues who detained, the officer caused the motor to burn.

In fact, according to task force officers Intel Jaya, at the time I was arrested on 13 September 1984, stated that on September 12, 1984, approximately 10:00 in the morning. Amir Biki had come to the office of the Task Force Intel Jaya.

The government hid the fact the number of casualties in the bloody tragedy. Through the current commander of the Armed Forces LB Murdhani stated that the number of people killed as many as 18 people and injured 53 people. But data from Torn (Solidarity for the Tanjung Priok case) the death toll reached 400 people. Not to mention the suffering of the victims were arrested military experience various kinds of torture. And Amir Biki itself is one of the dead soldiers mowed bullets. (Abdul Qadir Djaelani).

Version 1984 Tanjung Priok tragedy Government

Tg Priok tragedy 01Pemerintahan 1984 Suharto many colored events casualties, especially lead against Muslims. It certainly can not be separated from the "message" and foreign intervention on the so-called "political Islam press".

Tanjung Priok case is an interesting thing. Because there is no statement about the ideals of the Islamic State are delivered in lectures at Tanjung Priok. Delivered by the preachers there are just lectures sharply with the two words flicked ruling policy.

They criticized the government policies that feels cornered Muslims. Among them is a ban on wearing the veil and the application of Pancasila, as well as issues of social inequality between indigenous and non-indigenous.

In his book Bloody Tanjung Priok: Who's Responsibility? Data collection and Facts (PSPI, 1998: 26) explained that the process Priok tragedy on Monday, September 10, 1984 when an officer who was performing his duties in Koja area, intercepted and then attacked by a group of people.

Security officers managed to escape, but his motorcycle was burned by the roadblock. The security forces also arrested four people culprit for investigation and prosecution purposes in accordance with applicable law. To determine the fate of the four men were arrested, the people agreed to move to the office of District Military Command. But their request was denied.

Tg Priok tragedy 07Peristiwa 1984 this happened on Wednesday, September 12th 1984 At that time, in the mosque Rawabadak religious lectures take place without permission and seditious. The lecturer, among others, Amir Biki, Syarifin Maloko, M. Nasir, was never known to exist after the events of that night. Later, security forces received a call from Amir Biki containing death threats and vandalism when the four prisoners are not freed.

After that, around 1500 people to the police and military. This is similar to what is described in the book The Great General Suharto Journey 1921-2008 (Santosa, 2008: 170) who explains that Amir Biki who lead the masses to the District Military Command to demand the release of those detained.

He also advised that during the trip, the masses do not make anarchists. But this activity is not followed by the preachers because they've been warned not to come out of the center of recitation.

Up in front of the North Jakarta Police intercepted mass armed forces. The distance between the mass of the apparatus is very close, about five meters. There is no dialogue between Amir Biki with the apparatus. Fifteen security personnel hamper the crowd or mass movement.

Security team tried to disperse the crowd with a persuasive, but answered with cries that evoke emotion and fury of the masses. Mass continues to advance urgent security forces, waving and brandishing sickles.

1984 Tg Priok tragedy 05Tak how long there is the command to retreat. Visible forces retreated about 10 meters. Then there is the command "shoot". In the distance is already dangerous, the security team began to fire warning shots and not ignored. Shots were fired into the ground and the foot of the attacker, the victim can not be avoided.

After coming the other security forces, then the backward masses, but they burn cars, damaging several homes, and pharmacies.

About thirty minutes later the hordes attacking the security guard again, so the security officer in critical condition and was forced to make the shootings to prevent rioters attempt to seize weapons and attacks with sickles and other sharp weapons. There followed the massacres.

The armed forces rained fire on crowds freely. Cries for help were ignored. Those in the front row of falling blood. Who survived fled. There also are prone, avoid bullets targets. Some trucks came to haul the bodies of victims and buried them somewhere.

Legal Process

1984 08 Tg Priok tragedy

Tri Sutrisno (left) and LB Murdani (second from left).

To this day there is no justice given to the victims who was once fired, arbitrarily arrested, arbitrarily detained, tortured, disappeared, stigmatized and deprived of their property and the right to work and education deprived.

Still bright diingatan victim, how the Supreme Court in 2006 to demonstrate the liberation parade law (in De Jure Impunity) to the number of names that should be responsible; Sriyanto, Pranowo, Sutrisno Mascung and RA. Butar-Butar.

Failure to punish human rights courts have actually drawn from the poor performance of the Public Prosecutor.

In addition to removing the name (Alm.) LB Murdani and Try Sutrisno in the process of investigation, the Attorney General only prove an extraordinary crime (Extra Ordinary Crime) at Tanjung Priok case with general criminal system (Ordinary Crime) are based on the Criminal Procedure Code.

Another failure caused by political problems that the absence of a guarantee of state authority in the administrative support for the work of the Court of Human Rights on the case of Tanjung Priok. In addition, the Government does not prepare an adequate witness protection system. Meanwhile, in court, the judge let the graft efforts between actors with a number of witnesses to revoke testimony.

Try Sutrisno LB Moerdani

Try Sutrisno (left) and LB Murdani (right)

Court of Human Rights not only failed to provide legal certainty in the form of punishment of the perpetrators in the case of Tanjung Priok, the Court also failed to provide the real truth of the case of Tanjung Priok and failed to ensure certainty repair (Repair) on the suffering and losses of the victims of Tanjung Priok Case 1984.

Many of the victims are still questioning the existence of his family who are still missing. Many of the victims who till today have to bear the cost of treatment effect or effects of violence experienced on 12 September 1984 or subsequent violations.

Tg Priok tragedy 06Banyak 1984 among the victims who have lost their jobs due to business premises or taken away or stigmatized so it can not get a job.

Similarly, the victims were children, could not continue their education. Or children who lost a father or brother who is expected to be the backbone of the economy.

Effort was still made ​​by the victims through the District Court on February 28, 2007 demanding the Government issued a compensation fund for victims. However, once again, a single Judge Martini Marjan flatly refused the request Determination of Compensation of victims with no reason for serious violations of human rights in the case of Tanjung Priok in 1984.

Clear that the single Judge Martini Marjan negated fact, suffering and loss that has been brought to the court in the determination of the Central Jakarta District Court.

To date the Supreme Court has not decided the appeal that has been filed since March 5, 2007.

Wardah goddess wives Amir Biki

Amir Biki Wardah goddess wife, faithful to keep fighting for justice against the murder of her husband, Amir Biki.

In 1984, the apparent victim has been victimized by anti-criticism policy of Soeharto and the massive security apparatus. In the era of political transition, after twelve years ... even decades correction effort was still dominated by the perpetrator. No one punished, there is no improvement in the condition of victims are not even acknowledged the existence of serious human rights violations.

General LB Moerdhani

The community continues to be sacrificed from violent behavior, a victim of the justice system is not fair and honest. Political transitions are not used to take lessons from past failures, as happened in the case of Tanjung Priok.

But the victim's family will never forget and continue to demand government accountability to justice, truth, and reparation.

Try Sutrisno

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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This is an Indonesian name; it does not have a family name.

Try Sutrisno

Try Sutrisno, 1993.jpg

6th Vice President of Indonesia

In office

11 March 1993 – 10 March 1998

President   Suharto

Preceded by       Sudharmono

Succeeded by    Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie

Personal details

Born 15 November 1935 (age 78)

Surabaya, East Java, Dutch East Indies

Political party      Golkar

Spouse(s) Tuti Sutiawati

Profession Military (retired)

Religion     Islam

Try Sutrisno (born Surabaya, East Java 15 November 1935) was Indonesia's sixth vice president from 1993 to 1998.

Contents

1 Early life

2 Military career

2.1 Early military career

2.2 KODAM XVI/Udayana and KODAM IV/Sriwijaya

2.3 KODAM V/Jaya and Tanjung Priok Incident

2.4 Deputy Army Chief of Staff and Army Chief of Staff

2.5 ABRI Commander and Dili Massacre

3 Vice President

3.1 Nomination

3.2 Vice Presidency

4 Post Vice Presidency

5 Family

6 Notes

7 External links

Early life[edit]

Try Sutrisno was born on 15 November 1935 in Surabaya, East Java. His father Subandi was an ambulance driver, and his mother Mardiyah was a housewife. After the Indonesian Proclamation of Independence, the Dutch returned to claim back Indonesia as their colony. Try and his family moved out of Surabaya to Mojokerto. His father worked as a medical officer for the Poncowati Army Battalion, forcing Try to stop his schooling and find a living as a cigarette and newspaper seller.

Aged just 13, Try wanted to join the Poncowati Battalion and fight but no one took him seriously and he ended up being employed as a courier[1] instead. Try's duty was to find information to areas occupied by the Dutch Army as well as retrieving medicine for the Indonesian Army. Finally in 1949, the Dutch retreated and recognized Indonesia's Independence. Try and his family then returned to Surabaya where he completed his education in 1956.

After graduating from High School, Try wanted to enlist in ATEKAD (Army Technical Academy). He participated and passed in an entrance examination, before failing the physical examination. Despite this, Major General GPH Djatikusumo took interest of Try and summoned him back. Try participated in a psychological examination in Bandung, West Java and he was now accepted into ATEKAD.

Military career[edit]

Early military career[edit]

Try's first Military experience was in 1957, when he fought against the PRRI Rebellion. The PRRI Rebellion was a group of separatists in Sumatra wishing to establish an alternative Government to that of President Sukarno's. Try completed his military education in 1959, when he graduated from ATEKAD.

Try's early experience in ABRI included stints in Sumatra, Jakarta, and East Java. In 1972, Try was sent to the Army Staff College (Seskoad). In 1974, Try was chosen to be President Suharto's adjutant. Suharto took a liking to Try and from then on, Try's Military Career would skyrocket.

KODAM XVI/Udayana and KODAM IV/Sriwijaya[edit]

In 1978, Try was appointed to the position of Regional Command Chief of Staff at KODAM XVI/Udayana. A year later, he would become the Regional Commander of KODAM IV/Sriwijaya, where he had started his career. As Regional Commander, Try moved to suppress the crime rate as well as stopping lead smuggling. He even participated in an environmental campaign to return Sumatran elephants to their natural habitats.[2]

KODAM V/Jaya and Tanjung Priok Incident[edit]

In 1982, Try was appointed to the Regional Commander of KODAM V/Jaya and was stationed in Jakarta.

1984 would see the Government pass a law which required all organizations whether it be political or non-political to adopt the national ideology of Pancasila as the sole guiding principle (Azas Tunggal). It would also see Islamic dissent reached its peak as preachers began teaching against the adoption of Pancasila as the national ideology, what they perceived to be the Government's Christianization, the Government's family planning program, and the dominance of the Indonesian Economy by the Chinese Indonesian population.[3]

On 7 September 1984, Sgt. Hermanu, running on an inspection run in North Jakarta, came across a mosque with leaflets which asked for women to wear the hijab. This was a leaflet which encouraged Muslims who read it to defy the Government's policy of not letting women wear the hijab. Sergeant Hermanu asked for the leaflets to be taken down but his orders were not followed.

The next day, Hermanu returned and stuck papers washed in dirty water over the leaflets to cover it up. Somehow a rumor began going around that Hermanu had defiled the Mosque by going into the prayer hall without taking his shoes off.[3] This caused a lot of outrage and Hermanu's motorbike was burned. The Army then returned to arrest the 4 youths who burned the motorbike.

Over the next few days there were protests asking for the release of the 4 youths and preachers took advantage of the situation to preach against the Government. Finally on 12 September 1984, the crowd at Tanjung Priok began attacking shops owned by Chinese Indonesians as well as going after the headquarters of the North Jakarta District Military Command (KODIM).

Try, together with ABRI Commander, Benny Moerdani agreed that troops should be deployed to contain the rioters. The riot continued to get worse, according to the soldiers, the mob refused to heed the warning shots and continued charging at them with machetes and sickles.[3] Finally the troops were forced to open fire. The Government claimed that 28 people were killed but the victims continued to insist that around 700 were killed. This episode would continue to haunt Try for the rest of his career.

Deputy Army Chief of Staff and Army Chief of Staff[edit]

Try's career continued to advance. In 1985, he became Deputy Army Chief of Staff, before becoming the Army Chief of Staff himself in 1986. As Army Chief of Staff, Try started the Badan TWP TNI-AD (Army Compulsory Saving for Housing Body) to make it easier for Army soldiers to buy their own house.

ABRI Commander and Dili Massacre[edit]

Try finally reached the pinnacle of his Military career in 1988, when he was appointed ABRI Commander to replace Moerdani. As ABRI Commander, Try spent a lot of time putting down rebellions all around Indonesia. His immediate target was the separatists in Aceh, which he successfully suppressed by 1992. In 1990, there was the Talangsari Incident, in which Try repeated his actions in 1984 by cracking down on Islamist protesters.

In November 1991, in the then Province of East Timor, a group of students attending the funeral of a fellow student who had been shot dead by Indonesian troops took the opportunity to launch protests against the Indonesian occupation. At the funeral procession, students unfurled banners calling for self-determination and independence, displaying pictures of the independence leader Xanana Gusmão. As the procession entered the cemetery, Indonesian troops opened fire. Of the people demonstrating in the cemetery, 271 were killed, 382 wounded, and 250 disappeared.

The incident, known as the Dili Massacre, provoked worldwide condemnation from the international community. Try said two days after the massacre: "The army cannot be underestimated. Finally we had to shoot them. Delinquents like these agitators must be shot, and they will be....".[4] Try was then invited to speak before the People's Representative Council (DPR) to explain himself. Try gave a defense of his decision and maintained that the protesters were provoking the soldiers and that claims that the protests were peaceful was "bullshit".[5]

Try was discharged from his position as ABRI Commander in February 1993.

Vice President[edit]

Nomination[edit]

Try Sutrisno takes the oath of office on 11 March 1993 at a session of the People's Consultative Assembly.

In February 1993, the same month that Try was discharged from his position and a month before the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) was due to meet to elect a new President and Vice President, MPR members from ABRI nominated Try to be the Vice President. Technically speaking, MPR faction members were allowed to nominate their candidates for Vice President. But the unwritten rule in Suharto's regime had been to wait for the President to nominate his chosen candidate.

Members from the United Development Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party quickly approved of Try's nomination as Golkar struggled in telling its members that Golkar had not nominated Try as Vice President. Suharto was reportedly angry that he had been pre-empted by ABRI.[6] but did not want an open dispute. Suharto finally accepted Try and Golkar tried to play down the pre-emption by saying it had let the other parties and ABRI nominate their Vice Presidential candidate.[7]

ABRI had gotten their revenge from the 1988 MPR General Session when Suharto chose Sudharmono, someone who ABRI did not like as the Vice President. Benny Moerdani who in 1993 was the Defense Minister, he was determined that ABRI would choose a Vice President for Suharto in the 1993 MPR General Session.

It was speculated that had he not been pre-empted, Suharto would have either elected BJ Habibie as his Vice President or re-elected Sudharmono.

Vice Presidency[edit]

Although he had accepted Try as Vice President, Suharto's displeasure at having a Vice President he did not ask for shone through as ABRI members within the Cabinet were kept to a bare minimum. For Try himself, Suharto showed little regard and did not even consult him in the cabinet formation process.[citation needed]

Another show of disregard came In late 1997 when Suharto had to go to Germany to receive health treatment. Instead of leaving Try to execute Presidential duties, Suharto ordered State Secretary Moerdiono to come to his residence to receive Presidential duties.[8] An APEC Summit was also attended by Foreign Affairs Minister Ali Alatas.

Try was an extremely popular[citation needed] figure and many thought that he would eventually replace Suharto as President of Indonesia.[9] Because he had a military background, he would be accepted by ABRI. At the same time, he was also an acceptable candidate to Islamist elements within Indonesia, having grown up with a Muslim school.

In 1998, with another MPR General Session to be held and South East Asia suffering from the Asian Financial Crisis, many wanted Try to serve a second term as Vice President. Despite strong support, Try did not assert himself and Suharto's choice for the Vice Presidency, Habibie was elected as Vice President.

Post Vice Presidency[edit]

In May 1998, on the eve of Suharto's fall, Try, together with Umar Wirahadikusumah and Sudharmono visited Suharto at his residence to discuss possible options.

In 1998, Try was elected to become the Chairman of the ABRI Veterans' Union (Pepabri). He successfully kept Pepabri united as one under his Chairmanship despite the prevalent mood at the time that each branch of the Armed Forces gets their own veterans' union. Try completed his term in this position in 2003.

Try also served as Party Elder for General Edi Sudrajat's Justice and Unity Party.

In August 2005, Try, together with Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Sukarnoputri, Wiranto, and Akbar Tanjung formed a forum called the National Awakening to Unity Movement (Gerakan Nusantara Bangkit Bersatu). This forum criticized Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Government for its memorandum of understanding with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) . This was followed in September 2005 with a criticism of Yudhoyono's decision to raise fuel prices.

Try somewhat softened his stance with the Government after a meeting with Vice President Jusuf Kalla in September 2005. Kalla was sent to explain the reasoning behind the policies taken towards GAM and raising fuel prices. At the end of the meeting, Try said that he can understand the Government's position and encouraged the people to back the Government in their decisions.[10]

Commander of Kopassus Free

Jakarta (Bali Post) -

The judges ad hoc release Major General Sriyanto of association in the case of Tanjung Priok. The verdict was to be expected against the commander of Kopassus was presented the panel of judges chaired by Herman HELER Hutapea in the District Court of Central Jakarta, Thursday (12/8) yesterday.

Earlier, prosecutor charged the defendant Sriyanto Dharmono sentenced to prison for 10 years. Leadership of the Army's elite forces is considered a criminal offense involved serious human rights violations and attempted murder in the bloody events of 12 September 1984 in Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta.

When that event, the defendant served the Section Head of Operations at the North Jakarta District Military Command 0502. The prosecutor in the defendant's claim that Sriyanto mention that when the rank of captain, with troops Medium Air Defense Artillery (Arhanudse) VI opened fire on the masses.

At that time, conducting mass protests demanding the release of six colleagues were imprisoned in the District Military Command Headquarters. The incident has caused 23 deaths and 54 injuries. While the judges in their decision to the contrary. The defendant said Sriyanto not proven legally and convincingly of committing criminal violations of human rights, both charged in the first indictment and the second primary and subsidiary. In addition to free him, the court also restore the good name once rehabilitate the dignity and position of the accused Sriyanto.

Such decision cash welcomed by applause TNI soldiers who attended the trial. The same attitude is also shown by the victims and families of victims of the Tanjung Priok. Is of course that they have agreed on peace (reconciliation) and receive material compensation.

After the verdict was read, with a happy face direct Sriyanto are satisfied and accept the verdict. In fact, he said the court had already made ​​a decision that is right and proper. Verdict that freed it considered to be objective, rational and logical. '' Upon this decision, I accept fully, '' he says, without prior consultation with the defense team, Yan Juanda Saputra.

Instead, the prosecutor stated Dharmono think about this ruling. However, most likely appeal. Read the decision (verdict) that started at 09.30 pm this looks attended by hundreds of soldiers who dominated the red beret aka Kopassus. In addition, it is also packed with dozens and dozens of mass of the Military Police of FKPPI. While from the public, the public looks Tanjung Priok, both victims and families of victims who have agreed to peace (reconciliation) with the military brass. Among them, visible Vice Chairman of the House AM Fatwa and former justices Benjamin Mangkoedilaga.

As known, in the case of Tanjung Priok, the panel has previously decided cases on behalf of the accused Major General (Ret) Rudolf A Butar-butar. Former commander of North Jakarta 0502 was sentenced to 10 years in prison. While the accused Major General (Ret), former Danpomdam Pranowo Jaya acquitted.

Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

LB Moerdani

Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani.jpg

Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani

Nickname (s) Benny Murdani

Born 2 October 1932

Netherlands Cepu, Central Java, Dutch East Indies

Died 29 August 2004 (aged 71)

Indonesia Jakarta, Indonesia

Buried at Indonesia Jakarta, Indonesia

Indonesia Indonesia Allegiance

Service / branch Indonesian Army

Years of service 1945-1988

General Rank

Student Unit Army (Army Student)

Army Commando Unit (KKAD)

Paracommando Army Regiment (Special Forces)

Battles / wars Indonesian National Revolution

West Irian campaign

Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation

Indonesian invasion of East Timor

Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani (also known as LB Murdani publicly or Benny Murdani) (2 October 1932-29 August 2004) was the ABRI Commander from 1983 to 1988 and also served as Indonesia's Minister of Defense and Security. He is famous due to his strong stance in many decisive Situations in Indonesian political and social life. He was also significant as a leader of WHO was Catholic in a predominantly Muslim community.

Early life [edit]

Murdani was born on 2 October 1932 at Cepu, Central Java to RG Moerdani Sosrodirjo, a railway worker and his wife Jeanne Indo Eurasian Roech, WHO was half German. Murdani was the 3rd out of 11 children. Although a Muslim, Murdani Sosrodirjo tolerated his wife's and in their turn, his children's Catholic faith. [1]

Military career [edit]

Early Military Career [edit]

After the Indonesian Declaration of Independence on 17 August 1945, Murdani was caught up in the wave of nationalism. In October 1945, aged just 13, Murdani took part in an assault on a Kempeitai headquarters in Solo after the Kempeitai refused to surrender to the Indonesian troops. [2] When the People's Security Army (TKR), the precursor to the Armed Forces was formed , Moerdani joined a Student Army (Army Student) roomates Came under the authority of an Armed Forces Brigade. From this brigade, Murdani took part in the Indonesian National Revolution against the Netherlands, the highlight of the which saw him participating in a successful general offensive on Solo.

Once Indonesia's independence was safely secured, Murdani took the opportunity to complete his education, graduating from middle school and going on to high school; in the Meantime taking a part-time job helping his uncle sell goods. [3] In 1951, the Indonesian Government undertaking demobilization Began Moerdani's brigade but was deemed to have performed well enough for its soldiers to continue serving with the Armed Forces. Murdani, together with his brigade of enlisted with the Army Officers Education Center (P3AD) and Began training in January 1951 At the same time, Murdani also took part in the Infantry Trainers School (SPI).

Moerdani completed his military education from P3AD in April 1952 and from ISU in May 1952 [4] He was also given the rank of Chief Warrant Officer. 2 years later, in 1954, received his Murdani commission as a Second Lieutenant and was stationed at TT III Siliwangi, the which looked after the security of West Java.

KKAD / Special Forces [edit]

In a bid to deal with the threat of Darul Islam, Colonel Alex Evert Kawilarang, the Commander of the TT III Siliwangi formed the TT III Siliwangi Commando Unit (Kesko TT III). Their success interested the Army Headquarters in Jakarta to endorse the formation of a Special Forces unit. As such, in 1954, the Army Commando Unit (KKAD) was formed. Murdani was assigned as a trainer for the soldiers wishing to join KKAD and was appointed Head of the Teaching Bureau. In 1956, the KKAD went through a name change, and it was now known as the Army Paracommando Regiment (Special Forces). Not long after, Murdani was appointed a Company Commander. [5]

As a member of the Special Forces, Murdani Became part of the battle to suppress the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PRRI), a Sumatran-based separatist group. In March 1958, Murdani parachuted down behind enemy lines in Pekanbaru and Medan to prepare the groundwork for the armed forces to take over the two cities. A month later, on 17 April 1958, Murdani took part in Operation 17 August, an operation the which struck the killing blow on the PRRI rebellion. [6] Moerdani's next assignment was to take care of the Universal Struggle Charter (Permesta), another separatist group in Sulawesi. Similar to what he did in Sumatra, Murdani and his troops laid down the foundations for an all out attack on Permesta WHO surrendered in June 1958.

After PRRI and Permesta's surrenders, Murdani, was stationed in Aceh. In the beginning of 1960, he contemplated becoming an Army Aircraft Pilot but was dissuaded from it by Ahmad Yani WHO sent him to the United States to join the United States Army Infantry School at Fort Benning. There, Moerdani took part in an Infantry Officers Advanced Course and trained with the 101st Airborne Division.

Moerdani returned to Indonesia in 1961 to find the Armed Forces preparing itself for a takeover of West Irian. His first assignment was to train the Paratroopers WHO was supposed to land behind enemy lines and infiltrate. As the months went on, the infiltration did not bring concrete results. In May 1962, Murdani was assigned to lead a paratroop drop the which consisted of the Special Forces and Strategic Reserve Command soldiers. [7] After landing in West Irian in late June, 1962, Murdani led his troops in fighting skirmishes against members of the Dutch Marine until the United Nations interfered in August 1962 and Decided in giving West Irian to Indonesia. Once there was a Ceasefire, Murdani was placed in charge of all the guerilla troops in West Irian.

By 1964, Murdani was back in Jakarta again. His achievements during the West Irian campaign had caught the eye of President Sukarno WHO wanted to recruit him as a Presidential Bodyguard and marry him to one of his daughters. [8] Murdani held his ground and rejected both offers.

In 1964, Murdani's Special Forces Battalion and was sent to Borneo to fight a guerilla war against the Malaysian and British troops as part of the Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation. However, he did not spend a long time at Borneo, returning to Jakarta by September. At this stage, Murdani had once again contemplated on expanding his career this time trying to decide between a career as a territorial commander in Borneo or as a military attache. He picked the latter and had asked for a posting in Beijing.

At the end of 1964, a meeting of the Special Forces officers was held and Murdani was invited along. The topic of the meeting was to discuss removing Crippled soldiers from the Special Forces to roomates Moerdani objected. [9] News of Moerdani's objection found its way to Yani, WHO was now the Army Commander. Yani summoned Moerdani and Accused him of insubordination. The meeting ended with Yani ordering Moerdani to move from the Special Forces to KOSTRAD. Moerdani handed over his command of the Special Forces battalion on 6 January 1965.

KOSTRAD [edit]

Moerdani's Strategic Reserve Command to move from the Special Forces had been a sudden one and there had been no position prepared for him. His first post was as an officer attached to the Operations and Training Bureau. His luck changed when Lieutenant Colonel Murtopo found out that he was part of the Strategic Reserve Command. Having been acquainted with Moerdani during the West Irian campaign, Ali Recognized Murdani's potential and wanted to further develop it. Coincidentally, Ali at the time was the Intelligence Assistant for the 1st Battle Command, a Strategic Reserve Command units stationed in Sumatra in preparation for an invasion of Malaysia. Ali recruited Moerdani to be Deputy Assistant Intelligence and Gave him his first taste of intelligence work.

In addition to becoming Deputy Intelligence Assistant, Murdani also Became part of Ali's Special Operations (Opsus) intelligence team. His task was to gather intelligence on Malaysia from Bangkok under the cover of being a Garuda Indonesia ticket seller. [10] As 1965 wore on, his assignment also covered sending messages out by WHO Army officers were not interested in Confrontation to the Malaysian Government for Gaining the prospect of a peaceful settlement.

After the 30 September Movement was crushed on 1 October 1965 by Strategic Reserve Command Commander Major General Suharto, Murdani's activities intensified. He was joined by Ali and together they Began working at laying the foundations for an end of the Confrontation. Their Efforts culminated on 11 August 1966 when the Indonesian and Malaysian Government signed an agreement to normalize relations between the two nations.

Diplomatic career [edit]

Although peace had been reached, Murdani stayed in Malaysia as chargé d'affaires. His first task was to Ensure the release of Indonesian soldiers and guerilla fighters roomates had been caught during Confrontation. [11] In March 1968, with an ambassador finally assigned to Malaysia, Murdani Became the head of the Indonesian Consulate in Western Malaysia. At the same time, he continued being part of Opsus with the assignment of conducting surveillance on the goings-on in the Vietnam War.

At the end of 1969, Murdani was transferred to Seoul to Become the Indonesian Consul General at South Korea. In 1973, Murdani's status was upgraded from Consul General to chargé d'affaires.

Intelligence Officer [edit]

Moerdani's diplomatic career Came to an abrupt end with the Malari Incident in Jakarta in January 1974 and within a week of the incident, Murdani had returned to Jakarta. President Suharto immediately Gave him a collection of positions roomates Gave him a lot of power. Moerdani Became the Intelligence Assistant to the Minister of Defense and Security, Intelligence Assistant to the Commander of the Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order (Kopkamtib), Head of the Strategic Intelligence Centre (Pusintelstrat), and Deputy Head of the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (Bakin). [12]

In 1975, Murdani Became deeply INVOLVED with the matter of East Timor's decolonization. In August 1975, Murdani Began sending Indonesian soldiers under the guise of volunteers to begin infiltrating East Timor. [11] The situation intensified on 28 November 1975 when Fretilin declared East Timor's independence. The intelligence operation was ceased and a military operation, Operation Lotus was set up in its stead. Despite it not being an intelligence operation, Murdani continued to be INVOLVED, this time as the planner of the invasion. His method in planning the invasion drew the ire of colleagues Because It kept some high command officers, such as the Armed Forces Deputy Commander Army Strategic Reserve Command Commander Leo Surono and Lopulisa in the dark when they should have been INVOLVED in the planning process. [13]

On 28 March 1981, Garuda Indonesia Flight 206, which was supposed to be flying from Jakarta to Medan was hijacked. The news arrived to Moerdani at Ambon where he was attending an Armed Forces Leadership meeting with the Armed Forces Commander M Jusuf. Moerdani immediately left the meeting to go to Jakarta to prepare to take action, in the mean time the hijacked aircraft had landed at Bangkok's Don Muang Airport. Moerdani met with Suharto and secured the President's permission to use force in a bid to release the hostages; the rationale being that the hijackers should not be allowed to intimidate pilots into flying the aircraft to other countries. [14]

Accompanied by troops from the Battle Intelligence Troop Commando (Special Forces), formerly the Special Forces, Murdani left for Thailand. Although his plan encountered some resistance, particularly subject from the Thai Government, there was finally an agreement to take the military action. On the morning of 31 March 1981, Murdani personally led the Special Forces troops to storm the aircraft, take back control of it, and save the hostages.

Commander of the Armed Forces [edit]

Appointment [edit]

In March 1983, Murdani reached the pinnacle of his career when Suharto Military named him as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Promoted him to the rank of full General. During the inauguration ceremony, Suharto Gave recognition to Moerdani's loyalty by personally placing Moerdani's epaulettes on his shoulder.

Moerdani reached this position with the distinction of having never commanded a unit bigger than a battalion and having not served as a Regional Military Commander (Military Command) and the Army Chief of Staff. In addition to the commandership of the Armed Forces, Murdani was also appointed Commander of Kopkamtib, and retained his position in Pusintelstrat, which was renamed the Strategic Intelligence Body (BAIS). Unlike previous New Order ABRI Commanders, Murdani did not hold the Defense and Security Ministry.

Reorganization of the Armed Forces [edit]

Moerdani immediately took steps to reorganize the armed forces, the listing of cutting costs, improving efficiency, and improving professionalism as his immediate goals. [15]

With regards to the command structure, eliminated the first Murdani Territory Defense Command (Kowilhan), a command structure that had been created in 1969 He then revamped the system of regional commands for the Army, Navy, and Air Force. The Army's Regional Military Commands (Kodam) were reduced from 16 to 10, the Navy's 8 Regional Naval Commands (Kodaeral) were streamlined into 2 Fleet Headquarters, and the Air Force's 8 Regional Air Force Commands (Kodau) were similarly streamlined into 2 Operation Command . [16] The Police was also reorganized with red tape being cut to allow Police forces and lowest at the levels to take immediate actions.

Moerdani also worked towards decreasing the non-military portion of the Armed Forces Academy (Armed Forces Academy) curriculum. To improve the quality of the Academy's input as well as to Strengthen the nationalist base, Murdani conceptualized a senior high (pre-Academy) school to train the nation's brightest talents to later Become members of the national elite group (the school, Taruna Nusantara, is now running and located side-by-side with the Armed Forces Academy in Magelang). Moerdani also improved cooperation between the Armed Forces of the ASEAN countries. [17]

Tanjung Priok Incident [edit]

Moerdani's Catholic background would come to the forefront in 1984 when together with KODAM V / Jaya Commander, Try Sutrisno, he ordered a crackdown on Islamist protesters at Tanjung Priok, Jakarta, the which resulted in deaths. Moerdani claimed that the protesters had been Provoked and could not be controlled peacefully and as a result he ordered the crackdown. [18] Moerdani INSISTED that he never wanted to persecute Muslims and conducted visits to Muslim schools all around Java to improve his image with Muslims .

As the Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief, Murdani was arguably the de facto second most powerful man in the social and political aspects of the Republic, after Suharto.

Political career [edit]

1988 People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) General Session [edit]

By 1988, Murdani's relationship with Suharto had soured. Although he was loyal to Suharto, Murdani was assertive enough to criticize the President for the corruption and nepotism in the regime. By this time, Murdani had also made an enemy out of Prabowo, Suharto's son in law.

1988 was an important year as it was the year of an MPR General Session, the venue in the which the President and the Vice President is Elected. As the General Session approached, Suharto Began making signs that he wanted Sudharmono as his Vice President. According to Kivlan Zen, a close associate of Prabowo, this ran Contrary to Murdani, WHO wanted to Become Vice President himself. [19] As such, this seemed to have been the reason for Moerdani's discharge from the position of the Armed Forces Commander in February 1988 , although According to Robert Elson, this was done more Because Moerdani Suharto did not want to be in control of the armed forces when Sudharmono was nominated. Robert Elson theorized of the possibility of Sudharmono's Vice Presidency being the final step before the Indonesian Presidency itself. [20]

Moerdani did not seem to give up. The same month of Golkar's top brass met to discuss the MPR General Session. On the matter of the Vice Presidential candidate and the Bureaucrats Functional factions the agreed unanimously to nominate Sudharmono. The ABRI faction's nomination was delayed, with Murdani continuing to procrastinate by claiming that he had not Discussed the Vice Presidential nomination with Suharto yet. When pressured, Murdani Expressed his concern about Sudharmono's nomination although he did not give a specific reason. At one stage, he Began Try giving subliminal signals that should be nominated as Vice President. Try did not pick up on this and along with the other officers convinced a reluctant Moerdani that the ABRI Faction's Vice Presidential candidate will be Sudharmono.

Many Believed that Murdani was responsible for the controversy that continued to dog Sudharmono's nomination. It was Believed that Brigadier General Ibrahim Saleh's attack on Sudharmono and the nomination of the United Development Party (PPP) Chairman Jilani Naro as Vice President was Moerdani's work. Nevertheless, Suharto's will Came through in the end and Sudharmono was Elected Vice President.

Minister of Defense and Security [edit]

Despite his Attempts to block Sudharmono, Suharto did not demote Murdani and appointed him as the Minister of Defense and Security. However, Moerdani would lose most of his powers in September 1988 with the disbandment of Kopkamtib.

During his term as Minister, Murdani was Accused of planning a coup against Suharto. [21] This prompted Suharto to promise a harsh crackdown on WHO dared anyone to replace him unconstitutionally.

1993 General Assembly Session [edit]

Before the 1993 General Assembly Session, Murdani was seen as the engineer of ABRI's pre-emptive nomination of Try as Vice President. Suharto was displeased with the nomination and only reluctantly accepted Try. Suharto's consolation was that he did not name Moerdani to the next Cabinet. (Continoe)