Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad
|
Unfinished journey (95)
(Part ninety-five, Depok, West Java, Indonesia, 18
September 2014, 7:49 pm)
Lately countries in the Middle East preoccupied with the
crisis in Iraq and Syria, and its impact has spread to Qatar, the State
directly adjacent to Iraq:
Qatar dragged down by the crisis in Iraq and Syria
because the country is accused of supporting the opposition groups in Syria Al
Nusra, who is now accused of kidnapping Lebanese army. That is why the Prime
Minister Tammam Salam Lebanese visit to the Qatari capital Doha and held talks
with senior officials there in order to give effect for the release of the
abducted Lebanese Army. Rich people in Qatar reportedly is the main supporter
of the rebels in Syria
Obama: No combat mission in Iraq DI opponents
Obama said he would not do "another ground war in
Iraq".
President Barack Obama said in front of the United States
troops that their partners are facing Daulah Islamiyah militias in Iraq will
not perform combat missions.
President Obama said it would not do the "ground war
again in Iraq".
But he said the United States has a "unique
ability" in the face of Click IN, including the ability to provide air
support to Iraqi and Kurdish fighters on the ground.
The United States has conducted 162 attacks on the group,
also known as ISIS is in Iraq since mid-August.
But Obama's new strategy allows the same attack in Syria,
a coalition of 40 countries and asked to deal with the militants.
Collateral president to soldiers in MacDill Air Force
Base in Tampa, Florida, delivered after a senior general said the United States
in front of the Senate that the business world is currently facing IN
"stepped forward as required".
Nonetheless Gen. Martin Dempsey said, "If it is
proved to be unsuccessful, and the United States threatened, then of course I
would go back to the president and a number of recommendations can also be the
use of military ground forces."
The FBI arrested ISIS supporters in New York
Elfgeeh trying to recruit people to join ISIS, police
said
Courts in the United States was formally charged a man
who plans to help the Daulah Islamiyah militants or ISIS and trying to kill
American soldiers.
Mufid A Elfgeeh, 30, a naturalized citizen from Yemen,
was arrested last May through a joint covert operations.
Elfgeeh, of Rochester, New York, trying to buy two
firearms from an informant of the Federal Bureau of Investigators (FBI), the
court papers said.
He plans to kill the Shia Muslims and American military
personnel who have recently returned from the Middle East.
Court documents also say that Elfgeeh closely monitored a
year ago when he began writing support for militant DI on Twitter.
He asked people to donate money to the militants, up to a
third of their income.
He also tried to persuade the FBI informant and two other
people to go to Syria and "fight" for DI. (bbc)
Militants hold Lebanese army release Video
A militant group Al-Qaeda kidnaps Lebanese army and
police the group released a video of the people who were abducted on Sunday.
20 Lebanese security officials were held captive by
militants in Syria has emerged as one of the most serious violent spillovers
from the conflict in Syria, which is now underway in the fourth year. Militants
from the Lebanese army abducted Syrian opposition when they mastered Arsal
border town, killing and abducting soldiers and police.
At least eight men were being held by the Syrian Al-Qaeda
affiliate, Nusra, which has a history of releasing prisoners injured. Others
arrested by the extremist group Islamic State, which had cut off two Lebanese
soldiers at the base Nusra. Beheading soldiers and violence in Syria triggers
violence against Syrian refugees in the country.
In a two-part video, 20-minute, released Sunday by the
Nusra, the Lebanese army asked after his mother, and other sobbing as she spoke
to her family.
This video montages spliced with Syrian children have
been killed and others are starving, because the words "Who will be
responsible for this sacrifice?" the rebels in the video.
Lebanon is negotiating for the release of the man through
mediation by the officials of Qatar. The fighters Nusra nyang militants
demanded the release of Lebanese prisoners, as well as ransom money. They also
demanded that the Lebanese Shiite group Hezbollah to stop fighting to help
force President Bashar Assad in Syria (bbc)
History of Qatar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
When the Ottomans left at the beginning of World War I in
1915, the British and Ottomans recognized Sheikh Abdullah bin Jassim Al-Thani
as the ruler. The Al Thani family had lived in Qatar for 200 years. The 1916
treaty between the United Kingdom and Sheikh Abdullah was similar to those
entered into by the British with other Persian Gulf principalities. Under it,
the ruler agreed not to dispose of any of his territory except to the U.K. and
not to enter into relationships with any other foreign government without
British consent. In return, the British promised to protect Qatar from all
aggression by sea and to lend their good offices in case of a land attack. A
1934 treaty granted more extensive British protection.[1]
In 1935, a 75-year oil concession was granted to the
Qatar Petroleum Company, a subsidiary of the Iraq Petroleum Company, which was
owned by Anglo-Dutch, French, and U.S. interests. High-quality oil was
discovered in 1940 at Dukhan, on the western side of the Qatari peninsula.
However, the start of World War II delayed exploitation of Qatar's oil
resources, and oil exports did not begin until 1949.[1]
During the 1950s and 1960s gradually increasing oil
revenues brought prosperity, rapid immigration, substantial social progress,
and the beginnings of Qatar's modern history. When the U.K. announced a policy
in 1968 (reaffirmed in March 1971) of ending the treaty relationships with the
Persian Gulf sheikdoms, Qatar joined the other eight states then under British
protection (the seven trucial sheikdoms—the present United Arab Emirates—and
Bahrain) in a plan to form a union of Arab emirates. By mid-1971, as the
termination date of the British treaty relationship (end of 1971) approached,
the nine still had not agreed on terms of union. Accordingly, Qatar declared
independence as a separate entity and became the fully independent State of
Qatar on September 3, 1971.[1]
In February 1972, the Heir Apparent, Sheikh Khalifa bin
Hamad Al Thani, deposed his cousin, Ahmed bin Ali Al Thani, and assumed power.
Key members of the Al Thani family supported this move, which took place
without violence or signs of political unrest.[1] On June 27, 1995, the Deputy
Emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa, deposed his father Khalifa bin Hamad in a
bloodless coup. An unsuccessful counter-coup was staged in 1996. The Emir and
his father are now reconciled, though some supporters of the counter-coup
remain in prison. The Emir announced his intention for Qatar to move toward
democracy and has permitted a freer and more open press and municipal elections
as a precursor to expected parliamentary elections. Qatari citizens approved a
new constitution via public referendum in April 2003, which came into force in
June 2005.[1]
Contents [hide]
1 Pre-history
2 To 1783
3 1783–1871
4 1871-1916
5 1916–1971
6 1971–present
7 See also
8 References
9 External links
Pre-history[edit]
Human habitation of the Qatar Peninsula dates as far back
as 50,000 years back, when small groups of Stone Age inhabitants built coastal
encampments, settlements, and sites for working flint, according to
archaeological evidences.[citation needed]
Other finds have included pottery from the Al Ubaid
culture of Mesopotamia and northern Arabia (ca. 5000 B.C.), rock carvings,
burial mounds, and a large town that dates from about 500 B.C. at Wusail,
twenty kilometers north of Doha. The Qatar Peninsula was close enough to the Dilmun
civilization (ca. 4000 to 2000 B.C.) in Bahrain to have felt its influence.[2]
The peninsula was used almost continuously as rangeland
for nomadic tribes from Najd and Al Hasa regions in Saudi Arabia, with seasonal
encampments around sources of water. In addition, fishing and pearling
settlements were established on those parts of the coast near a major well.
To 1783[edit]
The Qatar Peninsula came under the sway of several great
powers over the centuries. The Abbasid era (750-1258) saw the rise of several
settlements, including Murwab.[citation needed] The Portuguese ruled from 1517
to 1538, when they lost to the Ottomans.[citation needed] In the 1732, the Al
Bin Ali an off-Shoot of the Bani Utbah tribe migrated from Kuwait and returned
to their original domicile Zubarah located on the northern - western coast of
Qatar. After this migration, the Al Bin Ali were very close to the rich oyster
banks. After the Persian Occupation of Basra in 1777 many merchants and
families moved from Basra and Kuwait to Zubarah. After this movement, Zubarah
became a thriving center of trade and pearling in the Persian Gulf region.
Until the late eighteenth century, the principal towns
were on the east coast—Al Huwayla, Fuwayrit, and Al Bida—and the modern city of
Doha developed around the largest of these, Al Bida. The population consisted
of nomadic and settled Arabs and a significant proportion of slaves brought
originally from East Africa.[2]
The battle of Zubarah took place in the year 1782 between
the Al Bin Ali from the Bani Utbah Tribe and the Army of Nasr Al-Madhkur Ruler
of Bahrain and Bushire.
1783–1871[edit]
In response to attacks on Zubarah by Nasr Al-Madhkur who
ruled Bahrain and Bushehr in Persia, the Bani Utbah Al Bin Ali liberated
Bahrain from the Persians in 1783.
After the Al Bin Ali Liberation of Bahrain in 1783,
different Arab families and tribes mostly from Qatar moved to Bahrain to settle
there. These families and tribes were Al-Ma'awdah, Al-Fadhil, Al-Mannai,
Al-Noaimi, Al-Sulaiti, Al-Sadah, Al-Thawadi, and other families and tribes.
Most of these tribes settled in Muharraq, the capital of Bahrain and the center
of power at that time.
In the early nineteenth centuries, continuing bloody
conflict involved not only the Al Khalifa, the Al Jalahima, and the Iranians
but also the Omanis under Sayyid Said ibn Sultan Al Said, the nascent Wahhabis
of Arabia, and the Ottomans. The period also saw the rise of British power in
the Persian Gulf as a result of their growing interests in India. Britain's
desire for secure passage for East India Company ships led it to impose its own
order in the Persian Gulf. The General Maritime Treaty of 1820 between the East
India Company and the sheikhs of the coastal area—which became known as the
Trucial Coast because of the series of treaties between the sheikhs and the
British—was a way of ensuring safe passage. The agreement acknowledged British
authority in the Persian Gulf and sought to end piracy and the kidnapping of
slaves. Bahrain also became a party to the treaty, and it was assumed by the
British and the Bahrainis that Qatar, as a dependency, was also a party to it.[2]
Qatar Map |
But when, as punishment for piracy, an East India Company
vessel bombarded Doha in 1821, destroying the town and forcing hundreds to
flee, the residents had no idea why they were being attacked.
In 1867, when a large Bahraini force sacked and looted
Doha and Al Wakrah. This attack, and the Qatari counterattack, prompted the
British political agent, Colonel Lewis Pelly, to impose a settlement in 1868.
His mission to Bahrain and Qatar and the peace treaty that resulted were
milestones in Qatar's history because they implicitly recognized the
distinctness of Qatar from Bahrain and explicitly acknowledged the position of
Mohammed bin Thani, an important representative of the peninsula's tribes.
1871-1916[edit]
With the expansion of the Ottoman Empire into eastern
Arabia in 1871, Qatar became vulnerable to occupation. Mohammed bin Thani
opposed Ottoman designs on Qatar, but his son, Jassim bin Mohammed, accepted
Ottoman sovereignty in 1872. Although Jassim bin Mohammed privately complained
of the Ottoman presence, he hoped that with Ottoman support he could dominate
those sheikhs in other towns who opposed him and rebuff Bahrain's claims on Az
Zubarah. The question of Az Zubarah became moot in 1878, however, when Jassim
bin Mohammed and his brother Ahmed bin Muhammed destroyed the town as
punishment for the piracy of the Naim, a tribe that resided in the north of
Qatar but was loyal to the sheikh of Bahrain. Moreover, Jassim bin Mohammed's
ambivalent relations with the Ottomans deteriorated to the point that in 1893
they sent a military force to Doha to arrest him, ostensibly over his refusal
to permit an Ottoman customhouse in Doha. Fighting broke out, and Jassim bin
Mohammed's supporters drove out the Ottoman force.
1916–1971[edit]
The Ottomans officially renounced sovereignty over Qatar
in 1913, and in 1916 the new ruler, Jassim bin Mohammed's son, Abdullah bin
Jassim Al Thani, signed a treaty with Britain bringing the peninsula into the
trucial system. This meant that in exchange for Britain's military protection
from external threats, Qatar relinquished its autonomy in foreign affairs and
other areas, such as the power to cede territory. The treaty also had
provisions suppressing slavery, piracy, and gunrunning, but the British were
not strict about enforcing those provisions.[2]
Despite Qatar's coming under British
"protection," Abdullah bin Jassim was far from secure: recalcitrant
tribes refused to pay tribute; disgruntled family members intrigued against
him; and he felt vulnerable to the designs of Bahrain, not to mention the
Wahhabis. The al Thanis were merchant princes, reliant on trade and especially
the pearl trade, and depended on others to do their fighting for them,
primarily the Bini Hajar i.e. Al Hajiri/Hajeri who owed their allegiance to Ibn
Saud, Emir of the Nejd and Al Hasa. Despite numerous requests by Abdullah bin
Jassim — for strong military support, for weapons, and even for a loan — the
British were reluctant to become involved in inland affairs and kept him at
arm's length. This changed in the 1930s, when competition (mainly between
Britain and the United States) for oil concessions in the region intensified
(see below).
The scramble for oil raised the stakes in regional
territorial disputes and highlighted the need to settle the national borders.
The first move came in 1922 at a boundary conference in Uqair when the
prospector Major Frank Holmes tried to include Qatar in an oil concession he
was discussing with Ibn Saud. Sir Percy Cox, the British representative, saw
through the ploy and drew a line on the map separating the Qatar Peninsula from
the mainland.[3] The first oil survey took place in 1926 under the direction of
a geologist of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, George Martin Lees, but no oil
was found. The oil issue raised its head again in 1933 after an oil strike in
Bahrain—Lees had already noted that, in such an eventuality, Qatar should be
investigated again.[4] After lengthy negotiations between Anglo-Persian
representatives and Sheikh Abdullah bin Jassim, on 17 May 1935 the sheikh put
his signature to a concession agreement for a period of 75 years in return for
400,000 rupees on signature and 150,000 rupees per annum with royalties.[5] As
part of the agreement, Great Britain made more specific promises of assistance
than in earlier treaties.[2] Anglo-Persian transferred the concession to the
IPC subsidiary Petroleum Development (Qatar) Ltd. in order to meet its
obligations under the Red Line Agreement.
In 1936, Bahrain claimed rule over a group of islands,
the largest of which is Hawar, on the west coast of Qatar because it had
established a small military garrison there. Britain accepted the Bahraini
claim over Abdullah bin Jassim's objections, in large part because the Bahraini
shaykh's personal British adviser was able to frame Bahrain's case in a legal
manner familiar to British officials. The question of domain continued in the
early 1990s. Triggered by a dispute involving the Naim, the Bahrainis once
again laid claim to the deserted town of Az Zubarah in 1937. Abdullah bin
Jassim sent a large, heavily armed force and succeeded in defeating the Naim.
The British political resident in Bahrain supported Qatar's claim and warned
Hamad ibn Isa Al Khalifa, the ruler of Bahrain, not to intervene militarily.
Bitter and angry over the loss of Az Zubarah, Hamad ibn Isa imposed a crushing
embargo on trade and travel to Qatar.[2]
Drilling of the first oil well began at Jebel Dukhan in
October 1938 and, over a year later, the well struck oil in the Upper Jurassic
limestone which, unlike the Bahraimi strike, was similar to Saudi Arabia’s
Dammam field discovered three years before.[6] Production was halted between
1942 and 1947 because of World War II and its aftermath. The disruption of food
supplies caused by the war prolonged a period of economic hardship in Qatar
that had begun in the 1920s with the collapse of the pearl trade and had
increased with the global depression of the early 1930s and the Bahraini
embargo. As they had in previous times of privation, whole families and tribes
moved to other parts of the Persian Gulf, leaving many Qatari villages
deserted. Even Shaykh Abdullah bin Jassim went into debt and, in preparation
for his retirement, groomed his favored second son, Hamad bin Abdullah Al
Thani, to be his successor. Hamad bin Abdullah's death in 1948, however, led to
a succession crisis in which the main candidates were Abdullah bin Jassim's
eldest son, Ali bin Abdullah Al Thani, and Hamad bin Abdullah's teenage son,
Khalifa ibn Hamad Al Thani.[2]
Oil exports and payments for offshore rights began in
1949 and marked a turning point in Qatar. Not only would oil revenues
dramatically transform the economy and society, but they would also provide the
focus for domestic disputes and foreign relations. This became frighteningly
clear to Abdullah bin Jassim when several of his relatives threatened armed
opposition if they did not receive increases in their allowances. Aged and
anxious, Abdullah bin Jassim turned to the British, promised to abdicate, and
agreed, among other things, to an official British presence in Qatar in
exchange for recognition and support for Ali bin Abdullah as ruler in 1949.[2]
The 1950s saw the cautious development of government
structures and public services under British tutelage. Ali bin Abdullah was at
first reluctant to share power, which had centered in his household, with an
infant bureaucracy run and staffed mainly by outsiders. Ali bin Abdullah's
increasing financial difficulties and inability to control striking oil workers
and obstreperous shaykhs, however, led him to succumb to British pressure. The
first real budget was drawn up by a British adviser in 1953. By 1954 there were
forty-two Qatari government employees.[2]
A major impetus to the development of the British-run
police force came in 1956 when about 2,000 demonstrators, who coalesced over
issues such as Gamal Abdul Nasser's pan-Arabism and opposition to Britain and
to Shaykh Ali bin Abdullah's retinue, marched through Doha. This and other
demonstrations led Ali bin Abdullah to invest the police with his personal
authority and support, a significant reversal of his previous reliance on his
retainers and beduin fighters.[2]
Qatar Jet Fighter |
Public services developed haltingly during the 1950s. The
first telephone exchange opened in 1953, the first desalination plant in 1954,
and the first power plant in 1957. Also built in this period were a jetty, a
customs warehouse, an airstrip, and a police headquarters. In the 1950s, 150
adult males of the Al Thani received outright grants from the government.
Shaykhs also received land and government positions. This mollified them as
long as oil revenues increased. When revenues declined in the late 1950s,
however, Ali bin Abdullah could not handle the family pressures this
engendered. That Shaykh Ali bin Abdullah spent extravagantly, owned a villa in
Switzerland, and hunted in Pakistan fueled discontent, especially among those
who were excluded from the regime's largesse (non-Al Thani Qataris) and those
who were not excluded but thought they deserved more (other branches of the Al
Thani). Seniority and proximity to the shaykh determined the size of
allowances.[2]
Succumbing to family pressures and poor health, Ali bin
Abdullah abdicated in 1960. But instead of handing power over to Khalifa ibn
Hamad, who had been named heir apparent in 1948, he made his son, Ahmad ibn
Ali, ruler. Nonetheless, Khalifa ibn Hamad, as heir apparent and deputy ruler,
gained considerable power, in large part because Ahmad ibn Ali, as had his
father, spent much time outside the country.[2]
Although he did not care much for governing, Ahmad ibn
Ali could not avoid dealing with family business. One of his first acts was to
increase funding for the shaykhs at the expense of development projects and
social services. In addition to allowances, adult male Al Thani were also given
government positions. This added to the antiregime resentment already felt by,
among others, oil workers, low-ranking Al Thani, dissident shaykhs, and some
leading individuals. These groups formed the National Unity Front in response
to a fatal shooting on April 19, 1963, by one of Shaykh Ahmad ibn Ali's
nephews. The front called a general strike, and its demands included a
reduction of the ruler's privileges, recognition of trade unions, and increased
social services. Ahmad ibn Ali cracked down by jailing fifty leading
individuals and exiling the front's leaders. He also instituted some reforms,
eventually including the provision of land and loans to poor Qataris.[2]
Largely under Khalifa ibn Hamad's guiding hand, the
infrastructure, foreign labor force, and bureaucracy continued to grow in the
1960s. There were even some early attempts at diversifying Qatar's economic
base, most notably with the establishment of a cement factory, a national
fishing company, and small-scale agriculture.[2]
Doha City |
1971–present[edit]
In 1968 Britain announced its intention of withdrawing
from military commitments east of Suez, including those in force with Qatar, by
1971. For a while, the rulers of Bahrain, Qatar, and the Trucial Coast
contemplated forming a federation after the British withdrawal. A dispute arose
between Ahmad ibn Ali and Khalifa ibn Hamad, however, because Khalifa ibn Hamad
opposed Bahrain's attempts to become the senior partner in the federation.
Still giving public support to the federation, Ahmad ibn Ali nonetheless
promulgated a provisional constitution in April 1970, which declared Qatar an
independent, Arab, Islamic state with the sharia (Islamic law) as its basic
law. Khalifa bin Hamad was appointed prime minister in May. The first Council
of Ministers was sworn in on January 1, 1970, and seven of its ten members were
Al Thani. Khalifa bin Hamad's argument prevailed with regard to the federation
proposal. Qatar announced its independence on September 1, 1971 and became an
independent state on September 3. That Ahmad ibn Ali issued the formal
announcement from his Swiss villa instead of from his Doha palace indicated to
many Qataris that it was time for a change. On February 22, 1972, Khalifa ibn
Hamad deposed Ahmad ibn Ali, who was hunting with his falcons in Iran. Khalifa
ibn Hamad had the tacit support of the Al Thani and of Britain, and he had the
political, financial, and military support of Saudi Arabia.[2]
In contrast to his predecessor's policies, Khalifa ibn
Hamad cut family allowances and increased spending on social programs,
including housing, health, education, and pensions. In addition, he filled many
top government posts with close relatives.[2]
In 1993 Khalifa ibn Hamad remained the Emir, but his son,
Hamad ibn Khalifa, the heir apparent and minister of defense, had taken over
much of the day-to-day running of the country. The two consulted with each
other on all matters of importance.[2]
On June 27, 1995, the Deputy Emir, Sheikh Hamad bin
Khalifa, deposed his father Emir Khalifa in a bloodless coup. An unsuccessful
counter-coup was staged in 1996. The Emir and his father are now reconciled,
though some supporters of the counter-coup remain in prison. The Emir announced
his intention for Qatar to move toward democracy and has permitted a freer and
more open press and municipal elections as a precursor to expected
parliamentary elections. Qatari citizens approved a new constitution via public
referendum in April 2003, which came into force in June 2005.[1] The current
Emir has announced his intention for Qatar to move towards democracy and has
permitted a nominally free and open press and municipal elections. Economic,
social, and democratic reforms have occurred in recent years. In 2003, a woman
was appointed to the cabinet as minister of education.
Qatar and Bahrain have argued over who owns the Hawar
Islands. In 2001, the International Court of Justice gave Bahrain sovereignty
over Hawar Islands while giving Qatar sovereignty over smaller disputed islands
and the Zubarah region on mainland Qatar.[7] During the trial, Qatar provided
the court with 82 forged documents to substantiate their claims of sovereignty
over the territories in question. These claims were withdrawn at a later stage
after Bahrain discovered the forgeries..[8] In 2013 Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa
stepped down from his position and gave the leadership to his son and heir
Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad which makes Sheikh Tamim the youngest Arab leader at the
age of 33.
Qatar will host the 2022 FIFA World Cup. (Continoe)
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